THE AUGUST COUP
Mike and Boris Dance in the Kremlin
By Lee Enderlin
from THE GENERAL, 27, #4, pp 34-36.

     A minor quandary has been settled for me. A couple of years ago, I purchased the game KREMLIN and my group of cronies -- The Wednesday Night Fights Wargame Club -- came to enjoy it so much that I even bought the Revolution expansion set to get more cards and make the game more unpredictable. A blank card came with that expansion set to allow gamers to make up their own card for the game, but the designers did such an excellent job recreating Soviet politics that nothing came to our collective mind that wasn’t already covered. The blank card seemed destined to languish in the box.

     Until 18 August 1991, that is. The recent events -- covered in such loving detail by prime-time news -- in the USSR became a heady inspiration for us to use that little card. One problem immediately arose, however. Recreating the failed coup and its aftermath with perfect historicity would greatly change the nature of any game in progress. But. since the variant rules seemed so simple to implement (a great credit to the game mechanics and how well these simulate Communist Party politics), we decided to proceed to provide them for those readers who really want to see the Politburo crumble altogether. First however, we thought it necessary to also offer a variant that retained the flavor of recent events, but didn't completely empty the ranks of the Politburo. So, try both versions semi-historical and 'historical" -- and see which you prefer. For each version, variations and historical notes follow. And we even devised cards to incorporate Gorbachev and Yeltsin themselves into the game, suitable for any version of KREMLIN.

Semi-Historical Coup Variant:
     Use that blank card to craft the following, adding it to the deck:

68. PEOPLE DEFY COUP: Play during any Purge Phase before the die roll, but only if the Purge attempt is against the Party Chief. The purge attempt is automatically unsuccessful and the phase ends. Do not roll the dice, but age the Party Chief 3 SP. If he is in the Sanatorium, remove one "+" and return him to office. Age the Economy Minister 1 SP. Age the KGB Head and the Defense Minister 10 SP each, and send them both directly to Siberia without a trial (losing all declared IP). Age the Foreign Minister 5 SP and place a '?" on him. In the immediately following Spy Investigation Phase, the Party Chief must resolve a trial for the Foreign Minister before any other business. In this trial, the Party Chief and Economy Minister must vote “Guilty” (an Alibi card may be played). If found Guilty, the Foreign Minister is broken back to the ranks of the People -- not sent to Siberia -- and retains all declared IP. All other rules apply normally, including the aging of the Party Chief 3 SP if the Foreign Minister is found innocent. During the next Promotion Phase, the Economy Minister has first choice of promotion to Level One at no SP cost to himself or the Party Chief. All other promotions follow the usual procedure.

     Admittedly, that's a lot to fit on that little card. Too much for my handwriting. Here's how we abbreviated it so that the person drawing this card won't have to give away the secret by immediately grabbing a copy of this issue of The GENERAL.

68. PEOPLE DEFY COUP: Play during any Purge attempt against PC. Purge fails. If in San, remove one "+" and return to office. Age PC 3 SP; EM 1 SP; FM 5 SP; KGB and DM 10 SP each. KGB and DM to Siberia. losing all IP. Add "?" to FM. PC must resolve trial against FM; with PC and EM voting "Guilty". EM may promote self to Level 1 at no SP cost.

     Variations to this card are quite easy to implement, if your gaming group think the effects too severe -- or if you want to add a degree of uncertainty to the Coup;
     1) Instead of having the Purge automatically fail, it is successful on a roll of “20" only. However, no modifiers (including the +3 for being In the Sanatorium) apply.
     2) Instead of sending the Head of the KGB and the Defense Minister to Siberia automatically, place a "?" upon each. In the next Spy Investigation Phase, the Party Chief resolves trials against all three members of the 1st Level individually, even though this supersedes the usual restriction. All other rules for resolving trials apply.
     3) Instead of forcing the Party Chief and Economy Minister to vote "Guilty", they may vote according to the dictates of the controlling player. This applies whether one trial is held, or three -- and the vote need not be the same in each.
      4) Instead of going to Siberia (with or without a trial), the Party Chief rolls the die. If the result is even, the KGB Head "commits suicide" and goes straight to the Kremlin Wall. If an odd number, it's the Defense Minister who goes to the Wall. The survivor still goes to Siberia
     5) Allow play of this card only if the Party Chief and the Economy Minister are currently controlled by the same faction.

     A word of explanation for this variant seems in order, both to justify our attempt at design and to set the stage for the "historical" version. Let's see if I can't answer a few questions the readers might have.
     For instance, why should the KGB chief and Defense Minister be punished severely while the Foreign Minister is treated differently? The first two, Vladimir Kryuchkov and Dmitri Yazov respectively, took active roles and were actual members of the infamous "eight-man junta". While observers expected them to go to trial after the coup was known to have failed, let's face facts -- the outcomes of those trials are not in doubt. In game terms, this certainty is best simulated by bypassing any trial altogether.
     The Foreign Minister, Alexsandr Bessmertnykh, on the other hand, was mysteriously absent during most of the plotters' three days in power. He, and several others, claimed he really was ill and had tried to contact Gorbachev. Perhaps he had an early case of the "coup flu". (The symptoms are cold feet and a weakening of the backbone.) No one knows for sure. However, his actions -- or lack of them -- leave his motives suspect. While Bessmertnykh is unlikely to face a trial, he was dismissed. We can use a modification of the trial process in KREMLIN to simulate the feeling of uncertainty about the Foreign Minister. Since his "crime" was less severe, he is not sent to Siberia but merely broken back to the People.
     Next question: why remove the "+" from the Party Chief if he is in the Sanatorium? Well, because Gorbachev wasn't really sick. Returning the Party Chief to office simulates nicely his return to Moscow from the Crimea. So why not remove a "+" if he is not in the Sanatorium, or why not remove more than one if he is? Well, he might really have been sick (at least a little), and gotten better. Gorbachev's reasons for being away from Moscow are still a mystery to Western observers.
     Anticipating your next question -- "Why does the Economy Minister get a free promotion?" -- brings Yeltsin into the equation. It nicely simulates, abstractly, Boris Yeltsin’s rise in influence following the coup's failure. He cannot become Party Chief, since that is Gorbachev's position (unless you wish to play the "historical" version that follows). And although there may not be much of a Communist Party left, the PC position in the game can represent the Presidential office as well.
     So why use the Economy Minister to represent Boris Yeltsin, whose power until now has been limited to the Russian Republic? Yeltsin is only the President of Russia, the largest republic in the Soviet Union. In American terms he might be considered a state governor (except that his state would encompass all of the US east of the Mississippi). Hence, he wields enormous political and economic power since he governs the greatest percentage of the population and resources. It seemed expedient to show his influence by having the Economy Minister represent him. Too, Yeltsin's political platform is, to a great deal, based on reforming the Soviet economy, bringing it into a free market system.
     One final note concerns the "suicide" variation, neither the KGB Head nor the Defense Minister actually took this extreme step; but the Interior Minister, the thoroughly detestable Boris Pugo did. (Well, somebody shot him; exactly who might still be open to question.) A few other minor players in this modern drama also took this way out. While the Interior Minister is not represented as such in the game, we can simulate this development by applying it to one of the other ringleaders. It probably doesn't mean that much anyway, since politicians sent to Siberia are usually no more of a factor in KREMLIN than politicians sent to the Wall.

Historical Coup Variant:
     The effects of the "historical" version are much more drastic. All rules for the "semi-historical" variant above are in force, except where changed below. Follow these steps once Card 68 has been played:
      1) Roll a six-sided die to determine which of the following ministers automatically commits suicide; it's straight to the Kremlin Wall for:
          dr 1: KGB Head
          dr 2: Foreign Minister
          dr 3: Defense Minister
          dr 4: Ideology Chief
          dr 5: Industry Minister
          dr 6: Sports Minister
     All other ministers - except the Foreign Minister (if he survives the die roll) and the Economy Minister age 10 SP and go straight to Siberia. There is no trial for the Foreign Minister in this version; however, he does age 5 SP. (A further development for this version will depend on the outcomes of the actual trials in the USSR resulting from the August coup. The KGB head and the Defense Minister have both been charged with treason and face the death penalty. If this punishment should actually be carried out, ignore the above and send one or both straight to the Wall. The other four should be sent to Siberia, as explained.)
     2) Move the Economy Minister's card to beside the Party Chief's. There are now, in effect two Party Chiefs.
     3) The Ideology Chief’s slot is permanently left vacant. This office is considered closed (although any character occupying it at the time of the coup card suffers the consequences described above). Any Purge cards against the Ideology Chief are immediately discarded, and players losing them may replace them from the deck. For purposes of seniority in announcing purge attempts, investigations and nominations, etc., this office is considered "inactive". (This to simulate the orders from both Gorbachev and Yeltsin to remove Communist Party cells from work places, the military, the schools and all other facets of Russian life.)
     4) The promotions in the Replacement Phase immediately following the coup must be agreed upon by both Party Chiefs. All promotions to fill the now-vacant offices (except Ideology Chief) will come -- in order -- from the Candidates ranks, then from the People. The original Party Chief must propose, and the ex-Economy Minister may agree or disagree. If he disagrees with the nomination, age the original Party Chief 1 SP and return the disappointed office seeker back to his original slot among the Candidates or People. Start with the oldest Candidate and fill the offices in their numerical order. Thus, the oldest Candidate is nominated as new KGB Head; if the ex-Economy Minister agrees, he becomes head of the KGB and the next oldest is nominated as Foreign Minister. If, however, the ex-Economy Minister disagrees, return the oldest to his Candidate post and the next oldest is nominated as KGB Head. Continue this process until all offices (except that of Ideology Chief) are filled or you run out of politicians to nominate. Once a politician has been rejected for any post, he cannot be nominated for that or any other office. If the ranks of available politicians are exhausted before all offices are filled, fill them as per 6.11-6.51.
     5) At the end of each turn each Party Chief gets to attempt to wave (so long as they are able to do so in accord with the original rules) separately. Theoretically, there could thus be "cowinners".
      6) Later purge or assassination attempts must be designated as aimed at one of the two Party Chiefs. (What a wonderful opportunity for back-stabbing!) Should one of the two Chiefs die or retire or otherwise be removed before the other, there is no successor. The survivor becomes sole Party Chief. Only after both Party Chiefs are eliminated and the office is vacant may a successor be nominated in the Funeral Commission Phase.
     7) In all cases where the Party Chief must make a decision (rehabilitation, purges, promotions, votes, etc.), either party Chief may propose such, but the action does not take effect unless the other agrees. (Note that the promotions in the first Replacement Phase after the purge use a slightly different method, as explained above.) Both Party Chiefs are free, however, to play any cards without the approval of the other. Finally, whenever the Party Chiefs agree to take an action that requires aging, both age the full amount - not half each. For example. an unsuccessful purge attempt ages each 3 SP (even if it gets "redirected" by play of a card, even a card from one of them).

     This "historical" version changes the structure of the Politburo -- as we are seeing in Russia even now -- greatly, but it can be fun to play with like-minded gaming friends. It can certainly give an already powerful player more control, setting off a wild flurry of assassinations, purges, trials - but what's wrong with that? More Iikely, the sudden elevation of the Economy Minister can allow a weaker player "to come out of nowhere". The most interesting thing about KREMLIN is that, with so many cards in play (particularly if you've incorporated the Revolution expansion), every game is different. You may not get the chance to play Card 68 very often, but if it changes the complexion of the game, that's OK. It's all part of the fun.
     However, before incorporating the historical version, make sure all players are aware of Rule 6.4. If there are not enough politicians left to fill all the empty slots, the game is immediately over - with the two Party Chiefs "winning". (Remember, the office of Ideology Chief is considered to not exist at this stage.) This situation comes into play even less frequently than does the opportunity to play Card 68, but all players should be made aware of the possibility. Finally, just for the record, the Party Chiefs should be titled "Presidents" and the members of the Politburo are now entitled "Cabinet Ministers". The Communist Party is defunct, although many of its administrative structures remain in altered form at this point in time. After all, there is no alternative in the USSR yet, and there is 50 years of inertia to overcome. But we KREMLIN players should at least acknowledge the language of reform to be sure of being "politically correct".

Gorbachev & Yeltsin:
     It is actually quite easy to incorporate Mikhail Gorbachev and Boris Yeltsin into any of the historical or hypothetical variants of KREMLIN. Although, as they were both born in 1931, they might not be appropriate for the 1923-based Revolution scenario. I do think that it is fitting, however, to incorporate them in any game featuring Card 68. Their statistics are as follows:

Mikhail S.	Boris N.
GORBACHEV	YELTSIN
Age = 51	Age = 51
Strong-Foreign	Strong- Economy* Strong- Economy. Foreign**
Weak-Economy	Weak-Ideology. Foreign* Weak-KGB. Defense**

   * = before Card 68;
   ** = after Card 68 .
     Gorbachev's strength and weakness seem pretty straightforward, especially to any serious observer of current affairs. He is highly regarded in the international community (he did win a Nobel Prize, after all), but his economic reforms haven't been well accepted nor very successful as yet. No doubt, this is due in part to resistance by hardliners at all levels of the bureaucracy, but his own vacillation has also been a factor.
     The rise of Boris Yeltsin, and his changing attributes (simply replace the first of his cards with the second, transferring all Influence, age, illness and any other counters from one to the other) after the coup -- if there is one -- may seem odd. However, there is some justification for this most interesting twist in the game. Prior to the actual August coup, Yeltsin's popularity had been based on his criticism of Gorbachev's slow economic reform. This appealed to many among the lower levels of the Party (and nonParty), so his strength is "Economy". He was, in fact, a lousy Communist, who quit (or was kicked out of, depending on who you believe) the Party about a year before he was elected as President of the Russian Republic. Thus, one of his pre-coup weaknesses must be "Ideology". Further, until his role in challenging the coup hit the front pages, foreign leaders weren't sure of his stance or abilities -- seeing only his criticism of Gorbachev. Hence, his other weakness would have made him a poor choice for Foreign Minister.
     But after the coup, his stature has risen dramatically. He moved quickly to put his own supporters into the KGB, and disband all its activities within the Russian Republic -- gaining him no friends among the surviving Party functionaries. Too, he has shown recently that his primary concern is for the individual republics, making his stance on joint defense open to debate among the entrenched military hierarchy of the Soviet Union. Thus, both of these are now listed as weaknesses. On the other hand, he came to the eye of world leaders, even being acknowledged by the US President; as a result one of his strengths must now be "Foreign".
     At first glance, it may seem odd to keep "Economy" as a strength. With his increased role in governing, he now faces the task of actually reforming the staggering Russian economy rather than spouting theoretical criticism. He will surely find himself facing many of the same problems as Gorbachev did, although the obstructionist hardliners are now gone or silent. The Russian economy is still a shambles, which won't be reversed in three days. Things may go either way once Yeltsin implements his reform package. For the time being, let's be optimistic and give him the benefit of doubt. Thus, he may still be viewed as a strong candidate for Economy Minister.
In all ways, Gorbachev and Yeltsin are treated just like regular politicians in the game (except that the characteristics of Yeltsin’s change as a result of the play of Card 68 -- if he survives the coup, that is). Should Card 68 be played and either (or both) are in the Politburo, they are caught up in the coup and may go to Siberia or the Wall just like anyone else. Thus, even though there is now a Gorbachev card and Yeltsin card in the game, their historical role may be assumed by other characters in the game, depending upon who is in which office when the coup comes.
     The age assigned to each (51) represents the date these two men began to emerge as Communist Party leaders. Gorbachev was elected President of the USSR at age 55; and Yeltsin, President of Russia at 60. Because the career of Gorbachev progressed at a quicker pace, and in a more traditional manner through the ranks of the Party, consider his printed age to be "older" than Yeltsin's when determining a "Progress by Age" tie between these two (see 6.5).

Conclusion:
     Ironically, one result of the August coup may be that the political structure so well recreated in KREMLIN has collapsed and that the USSR's method of determining its leaders will be more democratic in the future. The coming months and years may see yet more sweeping changes in the Party. However, if you don't have a copy of this great game, please don't pass over it now because it is "no longer appropriate". KREMLIN is still an accurate simulation of the way things have been done by the Communist Party in Soviet Russia for nearly three-quarters of a century.
     And did I happen to mention that it is just a barrel of fun?

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