Understanding Irrationality

by Chris Cogan (Copyright 2005)

Feedback, discussion, comments, questions: Chris Cogan, ccogan@ou.edu

Preface

In what follows, I have tried to present an integrated view of a subject that naturally tends toward disintegration. To do this, I have included philosophical and empirical views. I wish now that I had realized more fully what I was doing and so had more clearly distinguished between philosophical and empirical aspects. At some point I expect to do just that, but, for now, I will leave it as is. However, this is not intended as anything like a report on the relevant science. Others have done that better than I would. My main interest is not in the kinds of unreason that scientists find in labs. My main interest is in the more psychological forms of unreason, or irrationality.

Also, because I have gathered together pieces written over some period of time, and ideas developed over an even longer period of time, there is some disjointedness between sections because I have not yet smoothed everything out to give it a uniform style.

There is some redundancy and repetition, not to mention saying some things two or more times. This is partly because of the joining together of different pieces written at different times, and partly because I haven't yet decided which exact way of saying things is best, either in terms of formulation or in terms of location in the whole. I urge you to skim lightly over parts that you find to be too much of a repetition of things I've already said.

In future versions, I expect to reduce the redundancies but also to include more new material on some of the more fundamental fallacies, both formal and informal, and their affects, and more material on the specifics of cognitive science.

I've given above some of the reasons for calling this a draft. Another is simply that the writing is still fraught with errors and (to put it mildly) infelicities of wording. I expect to have a more polished version ready soon.

I hope you find this material both interesting to read and useful in your daily life.

What are Reason and Irrationality?

What Reason Is

Reason, according to Ayn Rand,  "is the faculty which identifies and integrates the material provided by man’s senses." While this definition is adequate in a technical sense, it is not immediately clear to most people what it means to identify and integrate the material provided by the senses, so I tend to use the characterization of reason as the application of logic to our experience, including perceptual data. By this, I do not mean the application of logic in the sense of explicitly analyzing bits of perceptual data and their relationships to each other to make such identifications, but rather the overall process of arriving at a result that is justifiable in such cognitive terms, even if in fact we work our way toward that result by trial and error and intuition and so on. That is, reason primarily functions as a standard against which to test what we take to be cognitive processes. If the result is that we see that a conclusion is justified by the data, it really does not matter what things what kinds of mental processes we went through to arrive at this realization. Reason includes any method that helps us arrive at the closest approximation of knowledge of truth that our data allows, without regard for any digressions or backtracking or uses of intuition we may have made. Once we understand that two plus two is four, it no longer matters what dead-ends and mistakes we made in finding our way to that understanding. (Of course, for reasons of efficiency, we normally want to find a reasonably straightforward way to such understanding, but that's a different issue.)

What Rationality Is

Rationality, with respect to belief, is the deliberate attempt to use reason to establish all of one's beliefs, and to exclude from the category of belief all those ideas that one cannot establish as being at least likely to be true or veridical by means of reason.

Rationality in a more general sense is the use of reason do decide what actions to take or not take, and, because the decision as to what action to take is predicated on whether we believe it to be the best action to take, at least for the moment, so rationality in this sense is actually subsumed under rationality as rationality with respect to belief.

By the classification I will use for no, unreason comes in two types, mere unreason, or what amount to mere mistakes of one sort or another, and irrationality, or a more "psychological" form of unreason, motivated unreason. I will mostly limit my remarks to irrationality, which is more difficult to deal with in both conceptual and practical terms. That is, it is harder to understand, and harder to correct. In other words, I won't be talking much about mere slips of the mind, or about ideas that we honestly plan to think about but which we haven't gotten to yet, or about the crazy ideas that children innocently get from their parents merely because they don't know any better and haven't yet developed the conceptual skills and habits to enable them to properly question what they are taught.

What is Irrationality?

What I want to talk about are those forms of irrationality that occur not because of slips of the mind in the ordinary sense, but which occur because of various kinds of desires and fears. I will talk mainly about those forms of mental processes that are not cognitive but which are used because they lead to the conclusions one has some special reason for wanting to be true, regardless of the data.

Sometimes these processes have a resemblance to reason, but this resemblance is superficial. When this occurs, these processes are more in the nature of rationalizations, or imitations of reason, imitations make unreason seem reasonable to the unwary, the ignorant, or the over-eager mind.

But many of the alternatives to reason do not even pretend to be reason, and are often used by people who explicitly reject reason, not merely by people who want to hold unreasonable ideas but in such a way as to seem, at least superficially, to be reasonable. The faith of the Fundamentalist is typically of this sort; here there is little attempt to justify belief in cognitive terms, except to make such claims as, "I know in my heart that God exists," or, "I have had direct contact with God," etc.

What both rationalizations and other forms of irrationality have in common is the desire to evade some fact or facts about reality, including facts about the limitations on one's knowledge. Rationalizations, even when they are used to justify an idea that actually could be true, are still irrational in that they try to justify something that the person cannot actually justify because of his lack of sufficient data and/or his lack of sufficient ability to process the data he does have in such a way as to produce a genuine justification of the idea in question. That is, even if the conclusion of a rationalization does in fact happen to be true, it is irrational if his reason for accepting it is in some critical way psychological rather than cognitive. It is a person's attempt to make an "end-run" around what he can in fact justify given his actual relevant information. It's like claiming to have climbed a mountain without ever having gone near it; even if one could in fact climb it, it is still false to claim that one has climbed it when one hasn't. Just as being able to do something is not the same as actually doing it, so the fact that something may be true is not the same thing as knowing that it is true, or even the same thing as having a good reason for supposing it to be true.

Irrationality is always, in an overall sense, harmful. That is, because it requires the acceptance of false beliefs, even if only false beliefs about how one can justify one's beliefs, it always is in conflict with the principles of rational cognition and with reality. In practice, an individual's irrationality is not always as harmful to an individual as we might guess, because there may be various kinds of cultural support for a person's irrational ideas, and it may also happen that an irrational idea leads to action that just happens to be successful in a given situation. For example, one may have an irrational fear of crossing streets, and there may occur a situation in which this fear, just by chance, stops one from crossing a street just before a meteor smashes into the middle of the street where one would have been if one had in fact chosen to cross the street a moment earlier. That a meteor might hit almost anywhere on Earth at any time is not a justification for not crossing a street. The occasional coincidence of irrational ideas having a beneficial result in specific situations does not mean that irrational ideas are not generally harmful, just as the occasional failure of a rational action to effectively protect us from harm does not mean that rational ideas are generally harmful. All this really tells us is that we don't have enough raw data or cognitive capacity to know everything about what may happen in particular cases -- something we already knew anyway.

Explaining Irrationality

Ignorance as the Explanation for Irrationality

We often say that ignorance is the source of irrational ideas, but this is not really true. Some people are quite ignorant without holding irrational ideas, or at least without thinking irrationally. There are just many things they don't know, and simply not knowing something is not the same as believing something false or irrational.

Thus ordinary ignorance, by itself, is no more than a good start on explaining the irrationality of nearly all of the human race. All ignorance would explain would be the state where these same people frequently say, "I don't know," instead making crazy claims about things. People adopt and tenaciously hold onto irrational ideas not from mere honest ignorance, but from something more. True, ignorance, up to a point, is needed for the more common, simpler forms of irrationality, but it is even possible for people to hold irrational ideas when they are not ignorant, or at least not ignorant in the way that we normally would grant to be sufficient for explaining their beliefs or claims

Pattern-Detection: It's Power and Pitfalls

The human brain has a remarkable patter-detection ability. It can easily detect patterns in the random snow on an unused TV channel, or in the static from the same channels. It can detect patterns in random strings of digits, and patterns in the shapes of clouds (and I don't mean just meteorological patterns such as those used to classify clouds as cirrus and cumulus and so on). We can detect patterns in the haphazard occurrences of everyday life, such as when a friend of mine who had become paranoid claimed that there was some sort of "message" about him in the honking of a passing car in a busy street on the far side of the apartment building he was staying in.

More importantly for my purposes, as the last example suggests, it can “detect” patterns that don’t exist, patterns that are more the product of its own processing than of the data. I occasionally look up at the stars and "see" patterns deliberately, patterns that I know are merely artifacts of our particular perspective on those stars because the actual stars are almost certainly not arranged in three dimensions as the corners of the geometric figures as they appear in the essentially two-dimensional field of human vision. Just as we can see all sorts of things in an ink-blot, so we can “see” all sorts of things in all kinds of data, things that aren’t in the data, that are in fact objectively contradicted by the data.

What is a pattern? Basically, a pattern is any idea, perceptual experience, or apparent structure that stands out as something distinct without necessarily being a physical thing, or even something that is a perceptual thing any more than anything else is. For example, if one has just purchased a new truck, it is likely that other trucks that are similar to it will stand out in one’s mind when one sees them, and it may seem that damn near everyone has a truck similar to one’s own, even though, just a week earlier, most of these trucks would not even have been noticed.

For our purposes, a pattern is any order or structure that seems to be non-accidental in some way, that somehow “stands out” in one’s mind. We may even think that the apparent pattern is mere coincidence, but part of the mind has still “registered” the pattern, and made it an official part of the mind’s equipment. We may even realize that it is actually quite accidental and yet still see the pattern, as in the case of the seeming geometrical figures marked out by stars in the night sky.

The “words” a person hears in TV static seem to be non-random in that we would not expect to hear any words at all in such a noise. The shapes we see in clouds may seem non-random. It may be thought to be a result of causal order at a physical level, it may be regarded as designed by some agent (a human, a god, etc.), it may be regarded as some connection that is not known but which nevertheless is real, etc. Or, a pattern may be nothing more than something that we recognize because we have seen it or something like it before, but that is all that’s necessary for it to be a pattern to a person.

Detecting a pattern is establishing some piece of information as being significant, at least at an automatic response level (even if we consciously regard the information as insignificant). We may come accidentally to associate a phrase with a given piece of music, even though they have no special connection, even to us, except that we happened to hear the phrase while listening to the music, perhaps. The essence of the pattern is that we attribute more than such an accidental or random, transitory, relationship between the two things. Thus, the name of a song may be a phrase, too, and we would normally associate it with the music of the song in a different way than we would just any phrase that we happened to hear while the music was playing.

For example, the shape of a starfish is seen as being more than an accidental juxtaposition of similar parts that just happened to be the parts of a star shape. Or, for another example, we may seemingly “hear” words in the static that comes from a television tuned to an unused channel, thus connecting something that we already know with bits of sound seemingly buried in the static.

Evolutionarily, living on the Savannah required (and still requires of some, I suspect), a goodly amount of pattern-detection. Pattern detection that is often enough correct can help a person or group of people do things like find water and food, kill food that may think they are food, and make use of other resources in a way that other animals cannot.

Not the least of the fruits of this ability is the ability to understand language, in which sounds are used in a systematic, highly patterned way, to think about and to communicate much more than can be communicated by mere gestures (as distinguished from the more highly-patterned (i.e., not mere) gesturing of sign-language).

Pattern-detecting and pattern-matching is also heavily involved in learning to speak a language, because one has to be able to tell when one is using the sounds in the correct patterns. De facto grammar is the patterns of an actual language, and nearly all human children are able to detect and then learn to replicate (with variations) all of the basic patterns of whatever language(s) are consistently used by those around them.

An aptitude for pattern-detection is at the root of the unusual mental abilities of humans. It enabled our ancestors to survive in the wilds by detecting perceptual-level patterns,  probable causal correlations at the level of simple physical events and such, patterns that, because of their direct basis in basic physical observation, were often enough correct that they promoted the survival and reproduction of the species.

It enabled our ancestors to do such things as associate certain leaf-shapes with edible roots, to learn that certain kinds of clouds meant that there was a high likelihood of a storm coming soon, and to learn not to say “Here Kitty” to the saber-tooth tiger.

This pattern-detection mechanism is very sensitive. It can detect patterns that are quite abstract compared to the patterns that other animals generally appear to be able to detect and identify, patterns such as sequences of events that take many days to complete.

A more or less basic feature of our propensity for seeing patterns is that, once we have established a pattern firmly, it tends to prevent the formation of competing patterns. If a child comes to believe the “pattern” that all cats behave in a certain way, he may be resistant to noticing or acknowledging it when a cat behaves in a way that’s inconsistent with the pattern that the person has established.

The pattern in the mind tends to dichotomize what we see in the world into more-distinctly divided categories than are really present in the things in the world. The “cat” behavior pattern that a child establishes can be expanded, but the difference between the new behavior and the behavior already established for cats may have to be more dramatic than it would otherwise. This depends, to a large extent, on how the mind uses the patterns it sees in the world. More on this later.

But, patterns can also serve to make the mind sensitive to deviations from whatever the mind has come to regard as normal. Whether a pattern tends to block awareness or not depends on the way in which the pattern is held in the mind. If it is held as information only, even with an emotional commitment to it, it may still make a person more likely to see deviations from it.

This seems to be controlled largely by the cognitive status of the pattern in the mind. If it is held as a means of enhancing consciousness, rather than as a means of by-passing consciousness, then its function when there are deviations will be enhanced, because the deviations are now deviations relative to a baseline that we might not otherwise have.

But, if the function of the pattern is to avoid consciousness, to skip over reality to conclusions we have already arrived at, then the function of the pattern will be to promote mental “blind spots” where things may happen that deviate from the pattern, but which we don’t notice, or which we find convenient ways of distorting so they seem to fit the pattern after all, thus protecting the pattern from correction.

This is especially the case when there are a large number of different component-patterns that all fit together in the mind (not necessarily logically) in such a way as to seem to reinforce each other. Whenever one is challenged, the others in effect come to its defense. Then, when one of them is challenged, the first one comes to its defense. No one component in the system need be very strong in its own right, but when it is grouped with a large enough number of other components that reinforce each other in the person’s mind (again, not necessarily in any rational sense), the person is likely to hold the group very strongly, and to use it as a “lens” through which other data is filtered, or against which other data is compared.

Detecting Patterns Where They Don’t Exist

As one may be beginning to see, there are problems with the human pattern-detection mechanism. The pattern-detection process can be too sensitive, so that things that are in fact associated only randomly or accidentally are seen as being somehow essentially connected or as purposeful, or as following some sort of rule, etc.

Even at the physical level, the level of living on the Savannah, not all of the patterns we can “see” are valid. We are “primed” by the pattern-detection mechanism to notice coincidences, but we are not primed to recognize when a coincidence is just a coincidence. Thus, even at such a basic level, it is not uncommon for the patterns we “see” to be incorrect, to be artifacts of coincidence and the mind’s readiness to “see” patterns everywhere.

Much of mental illness consists of or is exhibited by poor management of the brain’s pattern-detecting mechanism. John Nash “saw” enemy ciphers in ordinary newspaper stories, and other mentally ill people “see” various patterns in the world for which there is no objective basis. This is why the common distinction between mental illness and screwed-up beliefs is often not a very good one. Only occasionally can we correctly say, “Boy, his beliefs are screwed up, but he’s mentally healthy,” because, typically, a person’s screwed up beliefs will cause or promote more-obvious forms of mental illness. This is not to say that schizophrenia and other disorders do not have a physical basis, but that, often, the cognitive functions of the mind in effect “conspire” with the disorder to form a system of ideas and beliefs that seem consistent to the person without admitting the existence of the disorder. I’m not an expert on schizophrenia, but it’s my suspicion that few people who have it are able to do as Nash did in “A Beautiful Mind,” and rationally discover that a delusion is a delusion (a nonexistent little girl that he kept having conversations with never seemed to get any older, as a real little girl would have, and he retained enough rationality to realize this on his own, and I knew a woman who’s schizophrenia caused her to hear strangers around her saying things to her, even when they were clearly not even aware of her presence, and she had learned to recognize that these voices were not real -- but that didn’t stop them).

Why is there so little of such spontaneous recognition of the unreality of the schizophrenic illusions? Because people have mostly learned to “go with the flow” of the face-value of anything they perceive.

Abstractions and Pattern-Detection

At the level of abstractions, pattern-detection is essential. Noticing, for example, the similarities between multiple instances of furry things that live in one’s house can enable one to formulate the concept of “cat.” The pattern we see in this case is the repetition of various attributes of these furry things in the various times we see them (or pet them, etc.). At higher levels, noticing the pattern of similarities between two superficially different ideas or systems of ideas is a very valuable ability. For example, I recently spontaneously noticed some similarities between certain ways of using G. Spencer Brown’s Calculus of Indications and the one-dimensional cellular automata that Stephen Wolfram writes about in A New Kind of Science. At first, it was merely an intuition, but, upon investigation, it turned out that the parallel was in fact real (this way of using the Brown’s calculus is in fact equivalent to a one-dimensional cellular automata). Another example of the use of this mechanism is in noticing that there are fundamental and essential similarities between such superficially different ideologies as Nazism and Communism.

This pattern-detection mechanism also enables us to notice differences that we might otherwise not notice. For example, if we see a number of cats and a number of dogs, it is likely that we will see more similarities among the cats and among the dogs than between the cats and the dogs. Indeed, when we are first developing our concepts in these cases, we may expect a dog to behave the way we have seen cats behave, and may be surprised by the differences in behavior, by the fact that the dog we are observing does not fit the pattern established by the cats we have seen. But, if we had not established in our minds the pattern for cats, we might not have realized that the behavior we see in the case of dogs is different from the behavior of cats.

With respect to abstract ideas, it enables us to detect the differences between systems of ideas that may be superficially similar but which are in essence radically different. For example, both some conservatives and libertarians talk about promoting political freedom, but the fundamental ideas of freedom that the better libertarians hold is radically different from the idea of freedom that right-wing conservatives typically hold (in which freedom tends to be whatever the conservative happens at the moment to feel magnanimous about allowing other people to do).

In general, as we work our way up to higher levels of abstraction (mammals, animals, living things, physical entities, etc.), we still use the pattern-detection mechanism as a “workhorse” of conceptualization and of conceptual thought. Eventually, we can, for example, notice certain patterns of behavior of people in relation to others, and from the similarities of some kinds of such behavior and the differences between kinds of behavior, we can formulate concepts such as freedom, dependency, “ruling, ” “pecking order, ” parenthood, obedience, obligation, love, etc.

But, the problems of uncontrolled pattern-detection become worse at this level than at the level of physical survival, because the cognitive basis for the patterns we are typically less direct and less clear, and small errors in lower level abstractions may lead to “seeing” patterns that are definitely not real, and failure to see patterns that are real. The range of facts that can and should go into formulating abstract ideas, and the abnormally large number of different ways to make mistakes will increase the error rate in higher-level abstractions as compared to the error rate for such low-level abstractions as “rock” or “dirt.” Where we can get away with a kind of spontaneous pattern-detection at the level of living on the Savannah, such a slap-dash, effortless process of pattern-detection at higher levels of abstraction guarantees serious errors, in both seeing patterns that are not real and of failing to see patterns that are real.

The brain’s propensity to see patterns is so strong, so basic to the mind, that we often have a tendency to “see” patterns as if they had their own independent existence as things in the world. This propensity has even been turned into a specific type of philosophical position known as Platonism, though many lesser versions of it have been formulated as well. The apparent reality of patterns of a certain type is so commonly so strong in the minds of some that they literally cannot believe that what they “see” is not in fact real. For example, the Platonistic typology of living organisms that is a major aspect of creationism (including the so-called “scientific” creationism). Creationists see the more or less accidental distinctions among species or broader classes of organisms as being somehow real in themselves, essential, fundamental types that have an independent existence. Biologists know that this is not true, that today’s “absolutely fixed” species or other type is tomorrow’s “transition” between an earlier species and whatever organisms have evolved from it “tomorrow.”

Mathematics is another area where the pattern-detection mechanism commonly leads to confusion about the status of patterns. Though the “Platonism” of a mathematician often has little in common with true Platonism (because it often means little more than that mathematical ideas are objective and not arbitrarily made up). But, mathematicians often understand mathematics better than they understand the metaphysical status of their ideas. Mathematicians often do not see the actual objective basis for the basic ideas of mathematics that they use, and so something like the set of all natural numbers (for example) may seem to be a thing unto itself, even though it is really a set of “objectified” quantities with relationships amongst them. The set of all natural numbers is objective, but not a thing that exists on its own, but our ability to “objectify” such things as relationships and quantities is so deep that it will often automatically convert abstractions into things in their own right. The mistake is in not understanding that the mind does this in order to be able to think about relationships and abstractions as objects because the brain is naturally better able to think about distinct things than it is about aspects of reality that do not have such concrete forms. By making “objects” out of numbers, if we do it correctly, we are able to think about them more easily.

This brings us to metaphors and how we use them, and the roll they have in the development of our ideas. Metaphors are a major form of the use of patterns. By using a metaphor, we can apply the facts that are the case with respect to one thing to another, as when we use the number line as a metaphor for the relationships among numbers (how they are ordered, how numbers are between other numbers, etc.).

Confirming the Reality of the Patterns We Think We Detect

Not only do we have a remarkable ability to detect patterns that are not reality-based, but we have a remarkable ability to find “confirming evidence” for virtually any pattern we “detect, ” whether real or not. This is because, once we have “detected” a pattern, we are further “primed” to notice anything that tends to support it. We become super-sensitive to any data that might support the reality of the pattern we think we have detected.

For example, if we think we are having a “lucky streak” while playing roulette, we will notice any occurrences favorable to that view and discount or dismiss anything that tends to refute it.

This pattern is naturally so pronounced that only a small percentage of people are ever able to recognize that there is anything wrong with it, and that confirmatory “evidence” is not a generally sound way of validating the reality of the patterns we think we detect in the world.

In fact, until the Twentieth Century, even many scientists and philosophers of science thought that the method of validating scientific theories was a process of confirmation, of finding facts that fit whatever theory was being considered.

While we may not agree with Karl Popper on everything, even with respect to philosophy of science, his emphasis on the possibility of falsification of empirical theories, and on testability have been of inestimable value in shifting the way scientists and even ordinary people think of both science and the scientific method. The old “verificationist” theory of meaning, for instance, was recognized as not even being applicable to itself, but, more generally, it was seen as fundamentally wrongheaded. We learned (at least in terms of abstract ideas) that seeing “verifications” of a pattern does not validate the pattern (or in terms of scientific theories: seeing “verifications” of a theory does not significantly support the truth of the theory).

Pattern-detection and Intuition

We “recognize” patterns by a largely intuitive process. We may even be consciously looking for a pattern, but, when we finally recognize it, it is very likely to be seemingly “spontaneous.” It may even (and commonly does) occur when we have, for the moment, set the problem we are working on aside, and are doing something mundane, like getting on bus or taking a shower.

Intuition is an essentially subconscious process of integrating data in such a way that we detect some sort of pattern that we would not otherwise have detected. The pattern may be “seen” in the form of a mathematical equation, it may be in the form of seeing a general causal relationship, or it may be in the form of noticing that the “unfit” offspring of an organism do not survive and reproduce as often the “fit” offspring do. And, of course, we may detect patterns at this level that are not real, that have no actual basis in reality, or that have a partial basis in reality that we combine with fictional patterns, so we end up “seeing” all manner of general metaphysical patterns that are not real (or that are at least not objectively supported by the evidence).

The following are examples of intuitional pattern-detection without sufficient regulation by other mental processes.

The idea of synchronicity is an explicit formulation of the idea that there are causal patterns in reality that are not mediated by any normal physical means, such as some significant connection between a flock of geese migrating and some situation in one’s personal life. In effect, this is “institutionalizing” the tendency to over-detect patterns into an explicitly accepted habit of the mind. Instead of encouraging a person to be skeptical about the patterns he seems to detect until they can be validated, this theory encourages the person to take all such seeming patterns at face value. Because people often act on such seeming patterns, this is not merely a harmless intellectual error that we can ignore.  One variant of this is known as paranoia.

The Freudian theory of the special and general significance of dreams, and the theory of raging childhood sexuality are both examples of this same pattern-detection mechanism run amuck, uncontrolled.

The patterns of astrology. People look diligently for patterns in the stars and our lives, and, if they are not careful -- and few people are -- they will “see” all sorts of special correlations between the relative positions of the planets in the sky and events in human life.

Ordinary theism is probably one of the most common forms of such mistaken pattern-detection. Literally thousands of distinct -- and conflicting! -- patterns have each been definitely and absolutely determined to be real by millions of different people.

This brings us to evidence. Objective evidence has a cognitive relationship between it and whatever it is evidence for, a relationship that does not depend on the mind but on causal or logical connections between it and the conclusion. Thus, there is a causal relationship between the Sun and the Earth such that as the middle part of the day is reached, the temperature (on average) will be higher than it will be twelve hours later, in the middle of the night. We not only discover this as a statistical pattern, but we are able to determine why this statistical pattern exists. The facts that go into determining why this pattern exists are also evidence that the pattern is real.

But there is another kind of “evidence.” Loosely, this is the concept of evidence as it is often used in law: Evidence is whatever someone claims is probative in the above sense. It need not actually be probative in the sense of having an objective and rationally discernible connection with the pattern or belief that it is being used to support. That, in the minds of many, would be asking vastly too much.

For example, no one, in thousands of years, has been able to find a good reason for thinking that visions are evidence of whatever gods or demons they are supposedly visions of, any more than we have evidence that having a dream of talking with God really means that we did  talk with God. Nevertheless, I know of people who insist, despite this, that such visions (and, presumably, the dreams as well) are evidence for the existence of whatever they are visions of.

And, not only are they evidence in the sense of being claimed to be objectively supportive of such things, but they are accepted by some as if there were some such established cognitive connection as there is between the Sun’s being up and the increase in temperature of the day.

This illustrates (and confirms!) the reality of the pattern of mistakenly taking patterns “seen” by intuitive means and simply accepting them as objective reflections of the nature of reality (rather than as reflections on the nature of the way people’s minds work).

Of course, confirmation is not enough, but then there is the fact that the pattern of taking patterns “seen” by intuition and setting them up as absolute truths of reality is something that is easily tested, though not in quite the same way as a typical scientific theory would be. What we can do is predict that, on closer examination, it will be found that a large number of patterns that people think they see as objective patterns of reality are in fact not supported by the facts. Astrology is one example of such a case. Every rigorous test of astrological claims has failed to provide any support for astrological theories.

And, the history of science and of empirical theories about the world in general is virtually bursting at the seems with theories that were based on intuition and that were nevertheless later proven to be false (that the Earth is flat, that the Earth is at the center of the universe, that breaking mirrors causes bad luck, that water dowsing works, that, if one teaches a hundred monkeys to wash their yams, all the other monkeys will suddenly and marvelously be found to have “learned” to do this without ever having seen any of the first hundred monkeys doing it, that Friday the 13th is an inherently unlucky day, that life arises spontaneously in dung, and that the bumps on one’s skull give us a special insight into a person’s personality. Oh, and that taping magnets to a wound will make it heal faster than taping a non-magnet made of the same material to the same wound.

The patterns of theism are such that they make all sorts of events into special “evidence” for whatever form of theism one happens to believe in. For example, a homeless man who manages to get a job, get his life together, and find a home may be seen by one theist as evidence of the Christian God, while another sees it as evidence of a Jewish God, and yet another sees it as evidence of the existence of the definitely non-Christian God Allah. Still another may see it as evidence of the existence of Quetzalcoatl.

These are all examples of theories that were supported solely or largely by intuition, but which turned out not to be true, or at least not to have any objective basis. They are results of the pattern-detection mechanism running on autopilot, or to serve the particular wishes of the person doing the pattern-detecting.

We usually don’t notice the pattern-detection process as such. Instead, we think of it as “intuition, ” or “just knowing.” This is because the core of the process is subconscious, not subject to direct conscious control. We just “see” things, and that may seem to be all there is to it. We see the results, not the mechanism. Our experience at the level of physical reality tends to give us an excessive confidence in the reliability of the pattern-detecting mechanism.

What we don’t notice is that when we have once established a pattern as reflecting reality, we will tend to ignore, deny, discount, or distort evidence against the reality of the pattern we think we have seen so clearly. The theist typically “sees” the patterns of his religious beliefs so clearly that anything that might be supportive of them is regarded as definitely supportive of his beliefs, while the same kind of facts that tend to contradict his beliefs will be ignored, discounted or distorted so as not to appear to contradict the theory.

For example, the same person who sees a homeless person getting a job and a home as a piece of evidence in favor of his belief in whatever God or gods he happens already to believe in may nevertheless ignore, discount, or distort the evidential significance of people who have jobs and homes who lose their jobs and become homeless. These are essentially the same kind of fact of reality, but they are rarely seen as evidence that one’s particular God or gods are not real.

Thus, instead of correcting the cognitive processes he uses, the person will compound errors with further error. The first errors are made in initially adopting the patterns embodied in one’s religious beliefs, but then they are compounded by the extremely biased way in which facts are treated in relation to such beliefs.

Why is such error so nearly universal in the human race?

Part of the explanation lies in the physical-level reliability I spoke of earlier. This can easily tend to give a person a false sense of the general reliability of the method of intuitive pattern detection as a means of determining the truth “directly,” without the bother of learning and systematically applying rational thinking skills. This is why it’s possible for a person to believe himself to be rational while believing masses of nonsense. Since, in his mind, his intuition is essentially completely reliable, it becomes “rational” to him to continue to rely on it, and not to bother with examining it or its results very closely – assuming that he has the skills that would enable him to examine it or its results closely were he to choose to do so.

Another part of the explanation is that, with very few exceptions, people do not in fact learn the skills that would enable them to properly examine the results of intuition. Critical thinking skills have never been a part of the ordinary person’s education, beyond, perhaps, some ability to pick nits of grammar or factual accuracy. These and other skills like them are low-level skills and have little effect on whether one’s main beliefs are objectively based. Indeed, often people with a lot of “factual” knowledge are very poor at critical examination of their own beliefs, apparently on the premise that the skills they already have and spend so much time using are the necessary and sufficient critical thinking skills to have. A recent study has tested (and, sadly, confirmed) the suspicion in the minds of some that, in fact, significant knowledge of science (for example) does not provide any “protection” against believing in nonsense like astrology or that plastic pyramids have “magical” power to sharpen razor blades and keep fruit fresh (more effect than, say a similar-sized plastic box would have as a means of keeping fruit fresh).

Another part of the explanation is that, when people do learn critical thinking skills, they tend to use them almost exclusively for examining ideas they disagree with, rather than for critically examining their own beliefs. Is this an illusory pattern that I see and that is not objectively supported by the facts? No. It, too, can easily be tested, simply by asking people to provide critical analyses of the ideas they agree with as well as the ideas they disagree with, and to provide validations of their own beliefs as well as invalidations of the ideas they disagree with.

This tendency is inherent in the pattern-detection mechanism’s “feeling” of being a means of directly accessing truth. Why would one attempt to critically examine the truth? Do we question whether 2+2=4? Do we, if we are not mathematicians or philosophers, bother to examine this issue the same way we might examine a neighbor’s religious beliefs that we find objectionable?

No. But, in general, we should examine many of our ideas thus closely and critically, because, obviously, since these ideas conflict with each other, they can’t all be true. They can’t even all be parts of the truth (though they may occasionally contain some element of truth, or be truth-like in some ways) because of the contradictions among them.

“But, the patterns I see are real. My intuition-established beliefs are true. They don’t conflict with each other. So why should I bother with critical, detailed examination of them?”

Because, if that is how they are established, some very important ones are almost certainly seriously false, that’s why.

People don’t like to think that they, personally, are subject to the same fallibility that other people are subject to. And, because of the way they select and manipulate evidence, they are almost guaranteed to have little but confirmatory experiences, depending on their ability to discount or distort evidence against their views.

But, the reality is that the pattern-detection mechanism is guaranteed to produce significant false results if it is used in this way. By “guaranteed,” I mean with a certainty so close to absolute as to be effectively indistinguishable from absolute certainty for all practical purposes. The probability of such serious error goes up in proportion to the number of beliefs established in this way, and may actually increase over time, because of improper or missing understanding even of ideas that are in fact true. The lack of proper understanding means that even a true belief (in such a context) can actually increase the probability of adopting a false belief.

For example, one may recognize that rockets can travel through the Earth’s atmosphere, but because of a misunderstanding of how this happens, belief that they could not travel outside of the Earth’s atmosphere “because the engine would have no atmosphere to push against.” Thus, the true belief (that rockets can travel through the air) combined with a misunderstanding of how they do it, yields an outright false belief, a belief that one could have avoided had one come to understand how rockets actually work.

Similarly, one may believe that it is wrong to steal, and this would, in general, be true. However, if one understands it as being wrong only because God supposedly says so in a document written more than two thousand years ago by people who exhibited no special expertise in either morality or theology, then, if one loses one’s belief in all such Gods, one may mistakenly conclude that it is in fact morally okay to steal (or, at least, that there is no legitimate moral basis for refraining from stealing).

Logical Fallacies and Pattern-Seeing

Rational thought is largely the correct application of patterns from a special set of patterns that have been shown to be valid forms of reasoning. The various rules of inference are patterns which enable us to arrive at true conclusions if our premises are true. In general, we add to these rules various other rules of reasoning regarding probabilities, correlations, causal relationships, and so on.

Illogic, or fallacious reasoning, occurs when a person either does not apply any pattern of logical thought, even incorrectly, or when it is applied incorrectly, or when some look-alike rule of inference is applied instead of a valid one.

Most of the fallacious thinking that people do is some form of false-alternative or argument from ignorance, followed closely by equivocation, undistributed middles, but circular reasoning, stolen concept, affirming the antecedent, and the rest.

These typically consist of the misapplication of normal rules or patterns of reasoning.

The false alternative is a variant on elimination of alternatives. If there are, say three alternatives initially to be considered, with no others possible, then, if we are able rationally to eliminate any two, the remaining possibility must be correct. The fallacy occurs when one alternative is rationally eliminated and the conclusion is reached that another specific conclusion is correct, but in fact there are at least one other alternative that must be eliminated in order for the conclusion to be established as correct.

The argument from ignorance fallacy is similar (and they are often both the same fallacy in practice). However, here the argument effectively argues from the ignorance of some fact (such as a naturalistic explanation for a “miracle”) to the one conclusion that the person committing the fallacy seeks to prove (such as that Quetzalcoatl, or Allah, or even God exists). Here again, if the existence of alternatives were in fact rationally excluded, the conclusion would be justified. But, the whole point of the argument is to argue as if a lack of information were itself adequate grounds for eliminating the alternatives we are ignorant about.

The fallacy of equivocation is the incorrect use of a valid pattern of reasoning. A typical form of reasoning is that “All A is B” and “All B is C” implies that “All A is C,” but if the meaning of B changes sufficiently between the first and second premise, the argument is invalid. This is an obvious case where a valid form (or pattern) of reasoning is misapplied, producing an argument that looks valid as long as no one notices that shift in meaning of the middle term.

These and other patterns of “reasoning” are pandemic in philosophy, religion, politics, and debate over social issues. They look just enough like valid forms and uses of valid forms that many people both make and accept arguments involving these fallacies, because, in their minds, the arguments fit the “patterns” of reasoning that they have come to accept as sound.

Of course, it’s easier to accept an illogical argument if one already agrees with or strongly inclines to agree with the conclusion, because believing in the conclusion, or being strongly inclined to believe it increases the willingness to accept that the reasoning is correct and reduces the incentive to find fault with it.

Much of the pattern-matching people do in thinking is analogizing. Done rigorously, reasoning by analogy is a sound form of reasoning. But it is often, of not usually misapplied because people do not take precautions in such reasoning.

For example, the arguments by design of the conventional type argue by analogy from the fact that a watch is designed by man to the conclusion that Nature is designed by God. But little or no care is taken to ensure that the basis of the analogy is valid, or that it is even the proper analogy to apply.

Most people who use this argument do not analyze it at all; it is simply taken as obvious facts that the universe is designed and that the designer is God.

The analogy breaks down even if we assume that the universe is designed, because, while we would know that man designed a watch if we came across one lying in the grass, because we have found (to a reasonably high degree of certainty) that no other species on Earth designs watches. But, how can we know that God is the only possibility as a designer for universes. Indeed, how can we know that God is a possibility at all as a designer of universes?

We can’t, but the quick, casual, all-to-easy habitual use of whatever analogies seem handy leads people into this intellectual cul-de-sac.

But, worse still is that we can’t even show that the universe is designed. We can tell that a watch is designed because we are familiar with the differences between things that man designs and the things that man finds in Nature. We can see the characteristic marks of craft or manufacture, we can observe that not even the component parts occur in Nature (materials, yes, but screws and springs of the sort used in the making of watches? –No). We can observe that the parts are both formed and fit together with a precision that is rare in Nature (for example, things that grow to be round are rarely as precisely round as the face of even a cheap pocket watch). Finally, we already know that watches and similar things are made by man, so the analogy cannot even begin to get going, because we do not reason from the nature of watches to the conclusion that man designs them, as if man was an alien species and we just happened upon one of their watches. We start by knowing that watches are designed by man.

The design argument does not depend on actual signs of design, but on merely one typical aspect of designed things, an aspect that is common to things in Nature as well: Order and structure. The obvious problem is that we cannot eliminate the likelihood of alternative sources for the order and structure we find in nature. Paley (the most famous promulgator of the design argument) did not have an understanding of natural evolution, but even in his day it was understood that the principle of causation means that ultimately there cannot be such a thing as a truly disorderly and unstructured universe. As long as things are what they are (as long as, whatever a thing is, that’s what it is), they will behave according to what they are.

But Paley and those like him rarely consider alternative ways in which order and structure can arise; all they can see is the pattern: Watch is to man as Nature is to God, and while the pattern is compatible with the existence of God, they don’t notice that it has no probative force at all.

The non-sequitur is a catch-all category of illogic which includes those errors in reasoning in which there is no rule of logic that is being mis-applied or when the rule of reasoning that is being applied is not a corrupted form of a valid rule of reasoning. In the more severe of these kinds of “argument,” about the only similarity to the normal valid patterns of reasoning is the implicit claim that there is a normal valid connection between the premises and the conclusion.

But, even in the case of non-sequiturs, there are common general patterns. When the man says, “She was in the middle of the street and could not decide which way to go, so a ran into her,” we can find bits and pieces of argument-forms in it. We can fill in enough parts in our mind to make an ordinary pattern of reasoning out of it. For example, we could suppose that, since the woman didn’t know which way to go, the driver of the car did not know which way to go to avoid hitting her, and he didn’t think soon enough of simply stopping.

In some cases, it might seem at first that this re-formulation would be possible, but when it is actually attempted, we find that there are no argument-forms that actually fit, that there simply is no logical structure.

This can happen for a number of reasons.

One is that the person may simply associate two or more things together, and thus link them together in thought. Sometimes the association is “cognitive,” in that one thing has occurred in some sort of association with another thing in such a way as to link them in the person’s mind.

But, often, the association is emotional. The view that God is the designer of the universe is a “grand” and emotionally compelling idea to many, so the non sequitur may be nothing more than an attempt to put something that might be rational in the “slot” in the pattern where a justification for the idea is needed.

Another is that the person might have some rational argument-form in mind, implicitly, but does not (or cannot) do an analysis sufficient to determine that that form, that pattern simply does not in fact apply.

Correcting and avoiding the problems with the pattern detection mechanism

The problems arise mainly because of the fact that the mechanism is “designed” by evolution to serve physical-level living, to enable us to notice patterns in our physical environment that we can take advantage of to further our lives and thus (typically) our chances of reproducing more pattern-detectors like ourselves.

But, this alone is not sufficient to explain the generality and depth and seriousness of the errors people make in using the mechanism. Another major aspect of the situation is that conceptual-level cognition, above the barest beginnings, is a process that requires effort; it is volitional. That is, we must choose to function conceptually and we must make an effort at it if we are to be mostly reliable in doing it. But, one of the reasons people continue their naďve use of the pattern-detection mechanism is that it is so nearly effortless. We may “see” patterns without even paying particular attention to the context in which the pattern seems to be found.

Thirdly, people do not learn a good set of critical thinking skills, and, most importantly, when they do learn them, they typically do not apply them to their own beliefs.

And yet, by the nature of the mind and the pattern-detection mechanism, the practice of critically examining the ideas one already believes and new ideas that one finds attractive is essential. It is not something that one can safely skip, like a movie that one does not find appealing.

I’m not going to go here into the specific skills and habitual patterns of using them that one should adopt. Instead, I will try to make the need for doing so as clear as I can. If the reasons given above (sometimes implicitly) are not sufficient to convince one, here are the reasons restated explicitly and in a list form:

The automatic pattern-detection mechanism is provably unreliable outside of the low-level physical functioning for which at least the core of it was initially evolved. Even at the level of physical living, it is not unusual for people to “detect” patterns of causation that are not real, and it is nearly assured that one’s major abstract beliefs will be wrong if they are based on such an intuitive foundation.

The consequences of mistaken intuition-based beliefs or patterns can be and often are horrendous. Hitler persuaded millions of people that Jews were evil, by reinforcing a pattern that was already present in German culture. Because the pattern was already present, all it took was providing some “evidence” of it to convert it from a merely harmful superstition to a hugely harmful superstition. The “pattern” of Jews causing evil was thus established more firmly than it had been for a long time. Of course, Hitler provided or supported other patterns for people to “see” as factual, even though there was no factual support for them. One such was the idea of “the Aryan race,” and the pattern of obedience to the state, and so on. In our own history here in the U.S., millions of lives have been lost to the ease with which people can see and come to rigidly hold onto apparent patterns that are not in fact objectively supported by the evidence. Racism, sexism, the Civil War (it was hardly civil, of course), and the Great Depression are all examples of the consequences of unregulated pattern-detection and application.

In our personal lives, much of the suffering we experience – or inflict – comes from our over-willingness to accept the patterns we think we see as if they were established fact, and to act accordingly. People often marry the wrong person for this kind of reason, and some people even get divorced from the right person because they have made an undetected and uncorrected mistake in adopting as a reflection of reality a pattern that is really only in their minds. People also often take the wrong job, or even the entire wrong career, because of “patterns” that they have adopted uncritically, such as the pattern that “nice” people grow up to become what their parents want them to become, etc.

Specific Skills

The main one is remembering that the brain is “hardwired” to make a number of categories of mistakes because it is trying to apply brain functions to concepts and conceptual ideas that is only “designed” as a means of making heuristically valuable but not necessarily optimal guesses about what one’s physical environment in the wilds. If one don’t remember this, or an equivalent set of ideas, one will continue to make serious mistakes in forming and adopting beliefs and by holding onto these mistaken beliefs against the evidence. One may not adopt some idiocy like Nazism, or even astrology, but one will make serious mistakes, and one will fail to notice or correct them, and they will cost one much in one's life. I guarantee it.

Watch for “Multiplicity Impairment,” which is the disability that the pattern-seeing mind will tend to fall into of “locking” onto the first “good” pattern for particular context and thereby often missing the truth or at least better alternatives. For example, a person who breaks a mirror and who then experiences some other unfortunate event may become convinced that breaking mirrors does indeed cause bad luck (beyond those associated with broken glass, etc.). After this idea becomes firmly lodged in his mind, he may never notice that, over all, this idea is not in fact supported by the facts of his or anyone’s life. This is a minor example. More serious are the people who “see” patterns of the actions of God in such things as the beauty of Nature, without noticing that there is a literal infinity of possible alternatives to God as the cause of whatever particular set of facts that he sees as “proving” the existence of God.  For just one category of alternatives: an alien species that builds universes like ours for fun and profit. The point here is not that the God-pattern is wrong but that being locked into it or any other pattern in a situation in which information is so limited that a wide range of alternatives is possible is wrong. It is a guarantee, in the long run, of making serious mistakes that are easily avoided.

Be aware that one is filtering and manipulating information to fit the patterns one have already adopted. If one decides that God is the cause of the “design” one sees in nature, then one will see any further even moderately striking instance of order in Nature as evidence for the existence of God, thus further blocking one from considering alternatives.  If one thins the bumps naturally occurring on people’s skulls systematically reflect personality and character traits, then one will see the bumps on people’s heads as confirming one's belief, and one will tend not to see any evidence against this theory. If one doesn't learn that one does in fact filter this way, and make major compensations for it, he will continue to make serious mistakes and fail to notice or correct them.

Learn the rules of reason, and learn them well.

Never assume that one know them well enough: One doesn’t; one's pattern-seeing mechanism is preventing one from ever seeing just how often one screws up. Learn to recognize circularity in one's thinking even if

The Inherent Obstacles to Objectivity in the Nature of any Mind

Problems with Controlling Attention

Our ability to deliberately pay attention to some things while largely excluding attention to other things is one of our most valuable abilities. It enables us to perform tasks that we could not otherwise perform at all, and it enables us largely to avoid paying attention to things that we have determined we have no need to pay attention to.

And yet, one of the most common types of arguments for irrationality is the citing of the good consequences that have come from some irrational action, or the bad ones that have come from some rational action. What is left out is that, on average, the consequences of irrationality will be worse than those of rationality, and that, on average, the consequences of rationality will be better than those of irrationality -- regardless of the standard used in judging whether consequences are good or bad.

That is, after all, usually why we say that some action is irrational: We have good reason to think that it tends to have bad consequences, or that we have good reason to think that some other action would have better consequences.

Before going on, I'd like to make a last comment on the nature of reason itself. This is that it, while there are a large number of mental processes that are rational, the primary aspect of reason is really a standard against which we measure the overall results of our attempts at cognition. That is, as long as the belief we finally accept is one that we can rationally see to be justified by the data we have, it does not matter as far as this standard is concerned, what all the intermediate processes were that led us to the point where we grasp the relationship between the data and the idea we are accepting. It may have been a rigorously analytical process such as what we imagine Sherlock Holmes, Mr. Spock, or Commander Data (all fictional characters, by the way!) to use, or it may be a process of creative insight, intuition, or whatever. As long as we eventually see the logical relationships among the various facts that do justify the conclusion, we can claim rationality. Of course, we may not claim efficiency, and there may be irrationality even in the steps along the way, but that's not relevant to the basic issue of whether a particular belief is in fact rationally justified. This is important to remember because many people implicitly accept the radically false idea that the use of anything other than strictly analytical processes is irrational. This is simply false, and this idea is in fact used mainly as a means for irrational people to try to discredit reason (and I note here that, if this argument were sound, it would be the use reason to discredit reason, which would mean that the argument would discredit itself, and thus be shown to be unsound by virtue of its success -- this is just one of the many paradoxes arising out of attempts at justifying the rejection of rational cognitive processes).

In a sense, unreason does not need a special explanation, despite the tendency of some of us, myself included, to think of reason and rationality as the norms against which unreason is abnormal. In cognitive and moral terms, this is a correct way of viewing things, but it is not correct in a broader, biological/evolutionary context. This is because reason, in the sense in which I'm using the term here, is something we learn. What we have by birth is the genetics that will normally lead to the development of the ability to learn rational cognitive processes or standards.

But, while unreason in general needs no explanation, and while reason actually needs -- and has -- an explanation, irrationality, as a subset of unreason, still needs an explanation, because, while it is easy to see why people would be rational, in that this is really our only general means of achieving our goals, including our survival and our happiness, we want (or should want) to understand why it is that people in general do not in fact consistently attempt to be rational. It's like food: We can understand why people want to eat; it's those people who do not want to eat that puzzle us, or cause us to seek out medical help for them.

Still, my view is that irrationality is really an outgrowth of the innocent kind of unreason that we are all born with, the unreason of ignorance and lack of the skills of rational cognition, the unreason of incautiously accepting what adults tell us, because we do not have enough knowledge to understand the folly of doing this. Our wonderful, godlike parents would not lie to us, would they? After all, our parents and other adults are so powerful and all-knowing, they can't possibly be mistaken about the things they tell us, even if we have no idea, really, what they are talking about -- or at least so we tend innocently to think at this stage of our lives.

And, given a clash between what we have come to think is rational and our desires, it is not exactly unnatural that we might tend to side with our desires, since we don't yet have the principles of reason so deeply learned that this seems really unreasonable.

--And because the ideas we do this with at this age tend to be more or less abstract ideas, we don't have enough clearly-perceived feedback from the outside world to let us know that this is not really a good idea. Out on the Savannah, or in a jungle, irrationality would normally be about things of immediate consequence. If we say, "Nice kitty" to the ravenously hungry saber-tooth tiger, we will often get very strong and very clear feedback almost immediately that teaches us (or our fellow human beings) that this is not a really good thing to do. The immediacy and clarity of such feedback tends to limit irrationality in these areas of our lives. We learn not to step in front of speeding trucks, and to avoid trying to befriend large hungry predators when we are unprotected.

But abstract ideas, especially those of philosophy, tend to be sufficiently abstract that we often see no connection between our acting on an irrational idea and whatever negative consequences we may suffer. Our perceptual level of cognition enables us to more or less reliably detect simple causal relationships and to take advantage of them, but it does not prepare us adequately for the much more  subtle relationship between false or irrational ideas and their consequences, so people feel much safer in accepting philosophical ideas that they have no justification for than they do in accepting ideas about befriending ravenously hungry saber-tooth tigers. Oppressive laws, for example, always have bad consequences, but, for many such laws, most people do not have either the development of their conceptual thinking skills nor the specific understanding of causation in such a context that they can see the negative consequences in a way that is blatant enough to cause them to back off from their advocacy of such laws, even if their standards of what constitutes good or bad consequences would otherwise lead them to do so.

And, some irrational ideas have just enough beneficial consequences in the total mix of their consequences that people can say, "Look, see how good the results were? That proves we were right all along to believe it." But, more on this later.

Ignorance

Ignorance of the truth leaves openings for falsehoods, but does not create them.

Ignorance of the truth about something does not produce false or irrational beliefs, but it does contribute by leaving an opening for them. Ignorance has been likened to the horse manure that mushrooms grow in, but a more accurate variant of the simile would be that ignorance is like the darkness that mushrooms grow in. The horse manure is more accurately related to other factors. It is perfectly possible for a person to be ignorant of what the truth is about something without holding false beliefs about it. For example, I don't know whether string theory is true or not, so I'm ignorant about this issue. But I also don't believe either that it is true or that it is false, so I don't hold a false belief about it; I simply don't have a belief about it one way or the other.

Ignorance of facts and principles of valid cognition

Ignorance of the Nature of Reason

When many people think of reason, or of a rational person, they think of someone like Mr. Spock or Commander Data of "Star Trek," a person who does not have or who suppresses emotions, who has no passions.

But, in fact, this view of reason has virtually never been held by anyone who favored reason. It is almost exclusively used by irrationalists of one sort or another to try to justify rejecting reason.

Ignorance of the Value of Reason

Most people don't grasp why reason is important. Most of us have been raised on

Wishful Thinking

Desire as motivation for self-suggestion

Taking Lack of Evidence as Evidence of a Lack

It is not at all uncommon for people to assume that a lack of evidence of a view different from their own is evidence that those alternative views are false. When one thinks about it briefly, this makes no sense. But, when one think about it a little more, it actually makes a kind of sense, because it makes sense to suppose that, if some alternative view were true, there would be evidence for it. However, this principle has a quite limited domain of applicability. For example, I can say that, given the lack of evidence of an ordinary full-sized elephant in my shirt-pocket, I can conclude that there is no such elephant in my shirt-pocket. The problem comes when this idea is generalized to things where it does not follow that the lack of evidence of something must mean that that something is not real. For example, lack of evidence that the Earth is round does not imply that it is flat, because given a large enough radius, we should not expect to be able to just see that the Earth is round. Thus, even people thousands of years ago could not rationally conclude that the Earth is flat. They could only assume that it was flat, given the lack of evidence to the contrary. The mistake comes in elevating this assumption to the level of a positive belief, a claim of knowledge, knowledge that interferes with accuracy of thinking and the development of better ideas about the shape of the Earth.

The fallacy of regarding a lack of evidence against something as evidence for something else is not always merely a quaint and harmless mistake. It is often used in an implicit way as evidence for the existence of God, for example, as if the lack of specific evidence that God does not exist could somehow constitute evidence that he does exist. Note that, in this case, the elephant-in-the-shirt-pocket type of reasoning does not hold. If there is no evidence of an elephant in my shirt-pocket, we conclude that there is no evidence there because we correctly suppose that, if there were an elephant there, there would also be very unmistakable evidence of its presence. But, in the case of God, the lack of evidence of His non-existence has no such implications, because, even if God does not exist, there is no reason to suppose there would necessarily be any specific positive empirical evidence for His non-existence. Of course, for some specific views of God's nature, we can produce contrary evidence. For example, the fact of biological evolution is evidence that the specific Gods claimed by creationists does not exist. This does not refute any other theories about the existence of any God who has no beef with evolution, however, so this type of argument is by no means a general refutation of the idea that God exists.

[Note:

Topics to becovered more fully in the future:

Why people make this mistake

Pitfalls of Attention Control

Attention as selective consciousness

The importance of the ability to avoid paying attention to things

The importance of the ability to choose what to pay attention to

The main pitfall: Avoiding paying attention to unpleasant facts

Pitfalls of Pattern-Detection

Systems Mutually-Supporting Beliefs

Circularity in systems of beliefs

Lack of hierarchical structure to one's beliefs

Out-of-Context Idea Evaluation

Consideration of ideas and facts in isolation

The Inherent Evidence Selectivity of Our Position

We see only what our position allows us to see

We disregard alternatives that would require evidence that our position

Lack of the Habitual Use of Critical Thinking Skills

end of note]

Our schools do not teach critical thinking. That is not their purpose. If it were to be instituted, it would result in the collapse of the school system as we know it.

The failure to teach critical thinking means that very few children learn critical thinking, and what they do learn they learn mainly for the purpose of refuting ideas they disagree with, not for the purpose of examining their own beliefs.

The result is that nearly all of us grow up either with virtually no useful critical thinking skills or without even the desire to use critical thinking skills on their own beliefs.

Stunted Growth: The Semi-Conceptual Mind

Most people's basic intellectual development stops at about the age of fourteen, give or take a couple of years. True, children will often continue to develop their intellectual capacities in secondary ways, but rarely in a fundamental way. That is, whatever development occurs after that time is normally a matter of adding new knowledge of facts or of developing new specialized skills, such as those used in mathematics or writing. Often, of course, even these skills are not developed much after this time, but my point here is that the basic way of using one's mind in conceptual issues is rarely improved upon after this age.

If one had fully completed the development of one's basic conceptual thinking skills at this time, this would not be a problem. But, in fact, virtually no one has reached the level of fully-conceptual thinking at this age, except, perhaps in some specialty that a person happens to be interested in.

That is, in nearly all cases, children develop to a semi-conceptual level and remain at the semi-conceptual level for the rest of their lives.

The semi-conceptual level of thinking is characterized by the general use of ill-defined concepts and by their use in illogical ways. It is a half-baked level of intellectual development.

Children stop developing at this level because there is little motivation to go beyond it, and because they don't even realize that there is much further development possible, and because the human race in general still functions at this level, so it is the de facto norm for intellectual development. Neither their elders nor their peers will provide encouragement for the development of either the ability or the motivation to function at a fully conceptual level.

Functioning at a fully conceptual level does not mean doing nothing but analytical thought, it doesn't mean becoming like Commander Data or Mr. Spock of Star Trek. But it does mean that, when one engages in conceptual thought, one does so in a fully conceptual way, or at least with a fully conceptual result in mind, the goal of developing a fully conceptual, fully explicit, and rationally coherent understanding of the topic. Consider the following passages:

[Insert example of sloppy, foggy conceptual thinking]

In this example, notice the vagueness and ambiguities of the terms being used and how the context does not provide enough information for us (or the person speaking) to enable him to be clear about what he really means and about the relationships among the ideas involved. For this reason (and perhaps others), he is not aware that the conclusion does not follow from the stated premises and that the required additional premises would be unlikely to be true.

[Insert example of conceptually clear thinking]

Notice in this example that qualifiers and context are used to disambiguate naturally ambiguous terms, and that the terms involved are clearly enough formulated so we can make at least a good estimate of the soundness of the thinking involved.

The problem with the first style of conceptual thinking is that it is virtually impossible to think that way without making mistakes every few steps. Even if one happens to make a sound inference at one step, it is likely that within a step or two further, an error will be made, and the end result will be a false or unsubstantiated belief.

One of the problems with this level of development is that, while most people at this level are not consciously aware of the errors, people at this level of development tend to come to believe that even the attempt at rational thought is not worth the effort. They are like children who try to do arithmetic but who make so many mistakes that the result is usually wrong. After a while, they dread even making the attempt, because they correctly expect to fail, and so they fall back on "intuition," faith, "gut-feel," and so on, leaving their beliefs up to the more-or-less accidental pseudo-integration of their undirected subconscious thinking processes.

Failure to Make One's Beliefs Explicit

Because a belief that one are not conscious of is a belief that one do not have conscious control over, failure to make one's beliefs fully conscious leaves them open to undetected errors, errors that guarantee falsehood or lack of sound basis for one's beliefs.

The thing about making one's ideas explicit is that one can then deliberately think about them. One can ask questions about them. One can wonder whether they are true or false. One can talk with other people about them. One can treat them the way one might treat an idea about a scientific theory. If we did not make the law of gravitation explicit, as Newton did, we could not formulate it in mathematical terms, we could not apply it to the orbits of planets and satellites, and so on.

Similarly, if we do not make our own beliefs about things explicit, we can't challenge them, we can't analyze them, we can't test them, we can't do research on them, we can't rationally integrate them with the rest of our knowledge.

Of course, even after making our beliefs explicit, there is still plenty of room for errors, but we can't even reach the stage where we can make these additional errors if we don't make our beliefs explicit.

For example, when people do make their beliefs explicit, they often do so very badly, with a resulting explicit formulation that may not really make any sense. But, if we don't make our beliefs explicit at all, we can't even reach this level of development of our understanding. At least, if we have incorrectly formulated an idea in explicit terms, we can test that idea in various ways, we can do research on it, we can talk with other people about it, and we can keep it in our mind as something to think about and to question. For example, if we don't formulate some version of our belief in, say, fairness, we can't take the next step of questioning it and of seeking out better formulations of it as we go through our lives. We end up just automatically saying that something is fair or unfair, with no more than a kind of accidental background for our judgments on such issues.

Making our beliefs as explicitly formulated as we can, and continuing to be on the lookout for improvements in their formulation, is something we should do as a matter of course in our lives, not something that we save for special occasions. When a special occasion arises, it is often an occasion that does not allow us the time and the psychological calmness to properly develop our understanding.

How do we do this?

Ah, there's the rub, even for those of us who decide to do this. I have in fact developed a method that seems to work reasonably well, and that appears to be such that, aside from motivational issues, would be applicable by nearly everyone with considerable success, but I will have to deal with that in a later edition of his essay, or another essay altogether. It's a little unusual compared to what I've seen in books in improving one's thinking, but it works.

The Belief in Personal Infallibility

A Nearly Universal Mistake

One might think, mightn't one, since we all know that man is fallible, that few people except the clearly mentally ill would hold any belief in their own infallibility. But this is not so. This seems to be one of the many areas where people accept some generality about human nature, but where nearly everyone believes themselves to be a special case, or at least highly unusual. A similar phenomenon occurs with respect to driving skill. Obviously, on average, people's driving skills are, well, average. But, most drivers believe that their own personal driving skills are well above average.

The reason for our tendency to believe in our own infallibility of our own minds in some domains is that we formulate our beliefs in such areas in such a way that whatever might tell us of the flaws in our beliefs is either discounted or not noticed or even inverted in our minds as support for our belief.

What enables us to keep such beliefs is the general lack of noticed corrective feedback. This allows us to keep the beliefs even in the face of massive contrary evidence by simply not bothering with any contrary evidence, and by focusing heavily on anything that seems to support our belief. For example, we can make almost any "nice" fact support our belief in a particular God, even though, obviously, that exact same "nice" fact could be just as real without any God, or with a very different God. Thus, Fundamentalists always take certain kinds of facts as evidence of the existence of one of the various Supreme Beings of the Old Testament, while Muslims take exactly the same facts as evidence of the existence of some variant of the God of the Koran.

Obviously, something that can be evidence of anything is evidence of nothing, but who, in the throes of warm feelings about his or her personal God, will notice this. Thus, the belief in one's infallibility about religious of philosophical issues is maintained. That is, despite the lack of distinctive evidence for one's beliefs, one may take such "nice" facts not only as evidence of the truth of a particular belief, but as evidence of one's own infallibility about such issues.

Of course, people don't usually explicitly think they are infallible about such things. Even to make the issue explicit would be too risky. What they do instead is hold this belief in an implicit way, so they can avoid challenging it, or even avoid having others challenge it.

A Self-Perpetuating Belief

Because of the belief in one's infallibility, one will tend to be uninterested in testing one's beliefs, in considering contrary evidence, and uninterested in examining the cognitive processes that led to them.

Because of this tendency, one will not notice when one's beliefs are falsified, and so will tend to take each unfalsified belief as evidence of the reliability of one's cognitive processes, when, in fact, one has simply adopted a policy that protects one's errors against detection. Over time, this will tend to reinforce the implicit belief on one's infallibility, thus leading one to be even less conscientious about how one establishes one's beliefs. After all, if one's experience has "proven" one to be infallible, it means that one need not be so cautious, and that it is safe to accept ideas as true on less and less basis, such as any feeling of plausibility they may have as one thinks of them.

Thus, a person's past failure to challenge one's infallibility becomes converted into further apparent evidence of infallibility.

The universality of this belief in personal infallibility is encouraged by the implicit and automatic belief in the cognitive correctness of one's thinking processes. Even when people realize the need to do some thinking to validate their beliefs, they naturally assume that the thinking processes they use are correct and not in need of significant improvement. This is like the average person's belief that his or her own driving skills are above average, often even after getting involved in accidents of their own causing, and like that belief, the belief in the automatic correctness of one's own thinking habits is rarely justified.

Again, we can explain this in an economic sort of way. Unnoticed errors in thinking tend to be discounted because they are unnoticed. It is difficult for us to take into account errors that we haven't detected. Because we haven't detected them, we tend to assume that we haven't made them, so we then assume that our thinking processes are correct. And, we can end up using the erroneous results of these erroneous processes as further evidence of their correctness. For example, a person who believes in God may believe that his thinking processes must be pretty good, because, after all, they led him to believe in God, didn't they? Since, in their minds, the belief in God is obviously correct, the fact that their thinking processes naturally led them to this belief is evidence of the correctness of their thinking processes. Note again the vicious cycle that is occurring in cases like this.

Not Limited to Unintelligent People

This belief in one's near fallibility is such a major mistake that one might think it would be almost exclusively a mistake of people of low IQ and little schooling, but this is not true. Very bright people have often gotten used to being right during their formative years, and this tends to establish the basic belief in their infallibility, which, once established, reinforces itself by causing them to ignore evidence against that one's beliefs are flawed, or to assume, without much further thought, that any apparent errors are trivial and of no consequence, that they are not even worth pursuing to determine what they are. Thus, one can talk oneself into holding beliefs that are provably false, merely by supposing that the apparent falsity is either a mere superficial flaw that could easily be corrected or that the arguments against one's beliefs are themselves flawed and that it is just not worth one's time and effort to study them thoroughly enough to determine the actual nature of their flaws. After all, one's own beliefs have been arrived at by an infallible process, so surely they can't be wrong.

Subjectivism: The Primacy of Consciousness

The single most general basis for irrational beliefs is the implicit belief that one's mind can somehow determine the truth either by making reality conform to belief, or by mystical/magical automatic knowledge of reality, knowledge that does not depend on the ordinary processes of sensory perception and rational thought. This belief is thousands of years old, and though it has a very poor record historically, it is still the most popular fundamental error regarding cognition and knowledge and veracity of belief.

Memes and Themes: The Ecology of Conceptual Consciousness
What a Meme Is

I will define a meme as a mental "entity" that can be transmitted from person to person, typically by imitation. This "entity" need be nothing any more truly distinct than a tendency to laugh in a certain way, though it can be a full-fledged conceptual idea. This ability to adopt mental contents this way is a consequence of our tremendous pattern-detection ability. Over time, we can learn all manner of things by a process of imitation and trial and error, thereby making our own imitation a better and better replication of the idea as exemplified by other people or as communicated in books, art, TV, etc.

The Evolutionary Basis for Memes

At all times, our ability to imitate other people has been a major survival value, because, in our evolutionary history, the people who were around us to imitate were mostly the people who were successful at surviving. The ones who were not successful were not around any more, and so we couldn't imitate them. This meant that our ability to imitate did not have to come with a corresponding ability do discriminate between what was good to imitate and what was not. Our genes did not need to bother with this, because the natural filtering effect of natural selection would ensure that, on average, the people who were available for imitation would be the ones that it was best to imitate. All the worst people to imitate didn't hang around long enough to provide sustained models to imitate.

How Memes Evolve

Memes evolve by replication and variation. The "fitter" variants of a meme are the ones that survive and get themselves replicated in other minds. You might think that the remarks about the evolutionary usefulness of imitation would ensure that the memes we adopt from other people would nearly all be quite good ones. And, in the early stages, this was undoubtedly true, for the reasons given.

But the success of this very mechanism meant, at some point within the seventy-five thousand years or so, we became so successful evolutionarily that, as a species, we could survive even after adopting memes with really serious flaws. As long as they don't get us killed, there are no special inherent and solid limitations on what the ideas we can adopt and that can spread through a culture.

And, while we don't have a rational genetic means of discriminating between true and false memes or ideas, we do have a psychological means of discriminating between kinds of memes, but not necessarily in a way that strongly parallels whether they are in fact true or false.

We have developed a mechanism for making decisions that itself has a genetic basis, but which has severe limitations. This is the pleasure/pain mechanism. By pleasure and pain, I mean any "positive" or "negative" feeling, not just physical ones. For example, for my purposes here, I would count the pleasures of mathematics (for those who find mathematics emotionally satisfying), or the pleasures of thinking of someone we deeply love.

This mechanism provides us with a means of making decisions that served us very well in the conditions under which our long dead evolutionary ancestors lived. By combining this mechanism with a little bit of rudimentary learning, we could learn not to hang around the saber-tooth tiger, and to dig up the tuberous roots of some plants to eat while leaving the roots of other plants alone.

But this mechanism has no "brain" of its own. It is driven either by simple physical facts (such as the pain of the cactus spine) or by simple psychological associations. We have to learn which tubers are good to eat, and link this knowledge to our decision-making process and to our motivation.

However, as human culture developed and became more and more successful, the mechanism still continued to function the same way. It has no choice, after all.

So what happened and what still happens is that we developed various complex associations between ideas and our pleasure/pain mechanism, only some of which were rationally sound. Various gods and demons could momentarily soothe us or frighten us in fantasy, and thus become linked to pleasure and/or pain in our minds. Again, the "economic" principle of keeping ways of thinking that we don't detect any problems with applies, because of the apparent uselessness of changing them.

But, the simple way of responding to things that worked so well in dealing with physical nature in a direct way does not work so well in dealing with abstract ideas, or with things that we can't concretely and systematically perceive and examine. If your pleasure/pain mechanism tells you not to eat the tuber because you know it causes you pain, you are probably doing the right thing by eating something else.

However, if your pleasure/pain mechanism and your already-present and mostly implicit beliefs tell you to accept an abstract philosophical idea, there is a pretty good chance that it doesn't know what the hell it's talking about. The range of possible and very likely errors increases dramatically, by something like a geometric progression, the further we get away from direct perceptual data. When we get to ideas about the nature of existence or whether gods exist, the cognitive methods and the natural safeguards that were in effect at the perceptual level are simply not present or are easily inactivated or bypassed by an attraction for a particular idea.

And, because of the fact that there is no longer the strong and typically immediate feedback from reality about abstract ideas as there is about which tubers are okay to eat, the mind tends to be lulled into a sense of complacency, and, in fact, into a sense of infallibility about such issues.

In dealing with physical nature, if we feel that the saber-tooth tiger is a threat, we are probably right, or at least we are right pragmatically often enough to make this a generally good way to behave in such situations. But the natural pragmatism that serves us so well in such cases fails to serve us well in the case of abstract ideas. But, with nothing special to make this clear to us, with the immediate feedback from reality being missing or subtle, and with longer-range feedback being often so indirect that we don't even notice that there is a connection between the use of the idea and the consequences, we have no reason that we are clearly aware of for not going on as we always did, tens or hundreds of thousands of years ago.

The result is that, by the time we reach what should be the level of development that would enable us to discriminate between good and bad memes on a cognitive basis, our minds tend to be already "locked-in" to a set of mental habits that we no longer can see any reason to change.

By this point, the mind has already "settled" into a system of beliefs and habits that are balanced in such a way that we at least do not detect any major problems with them. These problems are nearly always present, but we have adopted only those thinking skills and habits and beliefs that are compatible with not noticing the problems, and that, in action, tend to supplement, complement, and mutually support each other.

I'll give just one example here: The Fundamentalist

who believes that his thinking habits must be correct because they support his belief in God, and who thinks that his belief in God must be correct, either because it is supported by the kinds of thinking he does, or by the fact that he "just knows" that God exists, etc. The habits of mind and the beliefs that the person has fit together in a neat way that does not raise serious doubts. Once this level of pseudo-integration is achieved, it is highly unlikely that the person will change either his thinking habits or his philosophical beliefs any time soon, because he has adjusted everything in such a fine-tuned way that it will take quite a bit to knock it out of its zone of stability.

It's like a ball dropped into a bowl. Once it has come to rest at the bottom of the bowl, it will take quite a lot of energy to push it back up the side of the bowl and into the outer world. Similarly, once a person's mind as found such a point of minimal conflict, it will take a very strong influence to push it back out into the open world where it will have to re-consider both its beliefs and its thinking habits.

True, once in a while the metaphorical bowl will be tipped over, or will dissolve away, or some of the outside world will get in and disrupt the homeostatic heaven that has been achieved, but not terribly often. Children of Fundamentalists who go off to universities to study biology so they can refute evolution sometimes have this happen to them, but the Fundamentalist who stays home and lives with other Fundamentalists is likely instead to have his beliefs and his ways and habits of thinking reinforced, not weakened.

This is because the "bowl" he has settled into is itself at the bottom of a larger "bowl" (to continue the same metaphor), so anything that the person comes in contact with in his social environment is likely to support his sense of having found and finally settled on the real truth.

Memes and the mind.

The human brain is largely a "meme machine," to use Susan Blackmore's term. The basis for language is apparently our ability to adopt behavior by imitation. Whether we have a special language capacity in our brains or not, it is clearly the case that we don't need more than the ability to imitate to establish the basic and simplest form of language. And, since it is clear also that we humans have a quite remarkable propensity to imitate each other, we will tend to accept by imitation ideas that are false as well as ideas that are true, because the imitative mechanism does not itself provide any standard for what to imitate, other than that it not be too immediately painful to us. Susan Blackmore (and probably others) has pointed out that this ability is a major survival value in many ways, because it means that we can simply adopt by imitation the behavior of our most successful peers and we will probably be acting in a pro-survival way without all the bother of having to figure out on our own which behaviors are going to be successful and which are not. If Grak behaves one way and gets killed by the saber-tooth tiger, we don't even have to worry about imitating him, because he's no longer around to imitate, whereas Nuknuk, who has been very successful in avoiding being eaten and in getting things to eat, is around to imitate. Thus, we will, especially in this kind of environment, usually have only successful behavior to imitate, which makes imitation not only the sincerest form of flattery, but also the most successful way to decide how to live, especially in that it does not require a lot of intellectual processing as compared to working out everything on our own with the primitive conceptual skills they teach at Savannah-Person Elementary School.

Since imitation is, in such environments, such a fantastic survival tool, we have, naturally, tended to evolve to be very good imitators. That is, whatever genes we have that tend to make us good imitators are the ones that tended to live long enough and successfully enough to reproduce and produce more good imitators. Those who, for whatever reason, didn't have this ability, tended not to reproduce because they weren't around to do so.

This doesn't mean that imitation has no drawbacks. It does. But, at a sufficiently early stage of the evolution of our ancestors, the benefits of imitation far outweighed the costs of imitating.

However, as I said, our ability to imitate has no special standards about what to imitate, and so, if we happen to live in a society that has been so successful in survival terms that even completely wrong ideas can find "hosts," then these ideas can begin to engage in their own private evolutionary competitions, wherein the ideas that are the best at "hooking" us psychologically tend to be the ones that get imitated the most. After all, if Grak starts talking about the speed of light as a constant and writing down equations, Nuknuk will probably find them uninteresting and far too difficult to imitate. But, if Grak starts talking about beings who are like us but who are usually invisible and much more powerful than we are, we can fairly easily understand and adopt and imitate that idea, and we can fairly easily pass it on to our children. If Grak adds that some of these beings can affect how well we do in life, and that they can often be persuaded to do what we want by repeating easily-remembered pleas for help, and if, at least occasionally, one of these pleas seems to have been answered, then not only is the idea easy to imitate, but it is attractive, as well, and it will tend to do better than an idea that is similar but which lacks this attractive feature.

But, note that, in all of this, the ideas themselves have no special interest in our well-being. Insofar as we can metaphorically talk about such ideas having any interests at all, their interests are merely in spreading to new hosts. Obviously, if they get one host killed immediately, they will tend not to establish a large niche in the ecology of ideas in a society. However, if an idea is hopelessly irrational but just mild enough that its hosts can generally survive long enough to get the idea copied to other hosts, it may do quite well, at least for a while.

And, if an idea is not itself attractive enough to get much replication from mind to mind, it may become attractive by gathering together with other ideas to form a mutually-reinforcing system of ideas, a system where each idea supports at least some of the others, even if not a single one of them has a solid basis in reality. As long as the host's mind does not see the circularity or does not care about it, such a system can offer stupendous rewards for adoption and/or stupendous punishments for failure to adopt them. Thus, systems of ideas like those of various forms of mainstream religions, social and political theories such as those of Nazism or Communism can establish themselves in millions or even hundreds of millions of minds before the consequences become so general and so generally well-known that their popularity dwindles.

But, even more remarkable than this is the fact that our minds, as we see them, are actually largely constructed of memes, of learned behavior patterns that our brains pick up in our formative years. People often discuss the possibilities of artificial intelligence, but little do they realize that, in a sense, most of our intelligence is artificial, in the sense that we learn it. True, there is a genetic basis for it, and I don't want to claim that our intelligence is artificial in the same sense an artificially intelligent computer would be, but I do want to make the point that facts that we normally take to be natural developments of our minds have more of a basis in the memes our brains have adopted from our environments.

Memes don't care about their host.

Memes may be parasitical or symbiotic, but, either way, they don't care about one's welfare. They don't care about anything, but, metaphorically, they care only about themselves and their own survival and reproduction.

Thus, one favorite "ploy" of memes is to convince the host that they are true (whether they are or not) and, if they are false, to convince the host that they don't need to be examined or questioned closely and systematically.

Once this is done, they tend to be fairly stable and thus in a good position to spread to other minds.

The Importance of Deliberately Choosing to Think About Things

By default, we will think only about those things that we are naturally motivated to think about, and not about other things. This is essentially a result of an "economic" type of estimate in our minds as to the value of deliberate thought, except in cases where we have such a natural inclination to think about something that we think about it without special effort, without having to "work" at it. Unfortunately, this "natural" thinking is not sufficient. In limiting our thinking to such topics, we almost always fail to think about things that we really do need to think about.

Therefore, we need to adopt a conscious policy of thinking about the things we'd rather not think about, and about things we "know" we don't need to think about. We need to adopt a policy of assuming that our thinking about things so far has not been adequate, that we have made significant mistakes, mistakes that are just waiting for us to think clearly enough to notice and correct.

Beliefs change over time even when their verbal formulation stays the same, and often these changes are not good ones. Therefore, we need to frequently re-examine our concepts and ideas and re-establish their truth and their limits of applicability.

We need to adopt a conscious policy of continually refining our concepts and ideas and of revisiting our beliefs.

We need to continually seek deeper understandings of things, rather than just continuing to develop our beliefs along the lines already established.

Most people, when they attempt rational thought at all, focus almost entirely on further development of ideas they already have.

But what we often need most is not so much further development of the implications of ideas that we already have. What we need most is usually to find the epistemologically essential ideas that we are not even now conscious of, but which implicitly underlie the ideas we already have. It is characteristic of human intellectual development that we do not start with the conceptualization of genuine cognitive primaries or axioms, but rather, we start, in medias res, in the middle of things, and develop from there. The result of this is that, at the foundational level, we are like the pre-Euclidean geometers of ancient Greece, who had developed a large number of ideas about geometry, and many arguments supporting what we now call theorems, but who also had no clearly-defined set of foundational ideas. The genius of Euclid was that he was able to analyze this mass and make a very good first pass at providing a solid foundation for the whole collection of ideas about geometrical questions.

What's missing in the belief systems of nearly everyone is even a crude approximation of this kind of structuring of ideas. This failure to properly deal with the issue of foundations, and the general failure to think in terms of, and in terms of finding, fundamentals, often leads to bizarre results. Recently, for example, I debated someone on the Internet who claimed that the Bible, the entire Bible was a self-evident axiom, and that because it was an axiom, there could be nothing prior to it upon which it could be based, but because it was an axiom, there could also be not even the possibility of sound arguments against it. Of course, this is absurd, because it takes as fundamental a vast collection of propositions, many of which are ordinary factual statements which are perfectly capable, in principle, of being empirically falsified or verified. Was there a literal Garden of Eden? Unless we suppose that its existence has been totally obliterated, it would be potentially possible to find physical facts that either support it or refute it. But, if we take the Bible as a self-evidently true axiom, we will be disinclined even to formulate questions like this.

Thinking in terms of fundamentals would have enabled this person to grasp that the Bible couldn't be self-evident in any objective sense because he would have understood that propositions about the specifics of physical reality are never axiomatic, but always depend directly or indirectly on observation.

The Fallacy of Misplaced Axiomaticity

The irony of the example just given is that the person is claiming a fundamental, an axiom, a self-evident primary that does not depend on anything else, an ultimate starting point, but what he is claiming is such that it is not even logically possible for it to be axiomatic, let alone axiomatic in fact, in the real world. This is a fact that the person could easily have determined for himself, had he actually been interested in seeking out fundamentals. This irony is in fact the "fundamental" irony of religious fundamentalism, which, by its name, claims to deal in fundamentals, but which, in fact, starts from claims that have no good claim to fundamentality at all, and which all require either proof or other cognitive validation.

But, one doesn't have to be a religious Fundamentalist to make the same kind of mistake. Many political liberals, for example, treat a large selection of liberal moral, social, economic, and political ideas as axioms, as self-evident truths that are definitely not to be questioned, as one will find out soon enough if one question any of these ideas in their presence. In order avoid being burned at a UU stake, I will refrain from mentioning any of the examples of such liberal misplaced axiomaticity, but they do exist, just as those of right-wingers exist. For that matter, I have, I'm sad to report, even seen examples of such misplaced axiomaticity among some of my fellow libertarians. It seems to be nearly universal in the human race, like some of the other factors of irrationality I've discussed.

The fallacy involved is one that I call the fallacy of misplaced axiomaticity, which is the fallacy of attributing an axiomatic, self-evident status to some idea that is not in fact axiomatic. The failure of most people to look any deeper than they do into the underpinnings of their ideas largely rests on this fallacy; they take as self-evident axioms a large array of ideas that are in fact not self-evident. Many of them are usually not even true, let alone genuinely axiomatic. This is also related to the premise of virtual infallibility, in that people typically think that there is simply no need to rationally determine the actual basis for their ideas because, given their essential infallibility, there's simply no need to question such ideas; they are "obviously" true, so why bother with all that intellectual heavy lifting?

The Unnaturalness of Reason and Rationality

What I think is the key is not so much ignorance, but that, despite the truth of Aristotle's claim that Man (the species, not the gender) is a rational animal, the use of reason either methodologically or as a normative standard of the quality of results is in a very important sense unnatural to human beings. We virtually all grow up adopting some degree of rationality, but it's no more natural to us than is the ability to perform long-division or to play the piano. We have the capacity to learn rationality, but we have no inherent desire to be rational, to hold beliefs that are cognitively justified, and to act according to the dictates of what our best judgment tells us is the best thing to do.

Just as dogs can be trained to do tricks, but doing tricks is not a thing that dogs will naturally take up doing, so rational thought, rational evaluation of argument, rational evaluation of data, is not something that the human mind will simply naturally do at the level that we need to do it for our well-being.

Some people will take it up, and they will develop the skills of rational thinking, and they will then use these skills, but even they don't start out  with those skills, and even for them, there is a long and complicated process of learning these skills. They may enjoy it, but it is still something that is acquired above and beyond what their genes would supply them. If one took these same people at an early age and somehow diverted them from the learning of these skills by keeping them entirely enclosed within such a plain environment that there was nothing much to learn from it (imagine children reared in a single plain black room by machines that merely fed them and did not interact with them, perhaps), they would not just develop sophisticated rational thinking skills the way they would develop secondary sexual characteristics at puberty, or the way they get their second set of teeth. More than genes are involved, much more.

One of the reasons that the children of brilliant people often do as well as they intellectually do is not that they are as naturally intelligent in genetic terms as their parents (they usually are not, because of the tendency of regression to the norm), but rather, they have an unusually intellectually stimulating environment to grow up in, and higher standards that they often become inclined to meet, than does, say, a child of a hillbilly in the back woods might, even if that hillbilly child has the same genetic endowments as the child of the brilliant person. Of course, sometimes the child of a brilliant person rebels against the whole idea of the use of the mind, and becomes, for most purposes, an idiot; I'm not trying to claim any absolute universal laws here, only suggesting that the environment a person grows up in can make a significant difference in the development of the rational faculty because this development is not merely a matter of the unfolding of genetics during biological development. [See note 4]

The unnaturalness of reason does not mean that it has no biological value, but merely that our evolutionary history has only provided the mechanism, not the knowledge of how to use it. Indeed, it would be almost impossible for such knowledge to be genetically based, because the point of reason is to enable us to learn about the world by cognitive means, so we don't have to depend on our genes to have discovered everything we need to know about the world. How could our genes, millions of years ago, have discovered quantum mechanics or general relativity or business accounting or the nature of some predator that our ancestors had not even come in contact with yet?

Learning, both of ordinary facts and of rational thinking skills, provides us with a means of dealing with things our genes never encountered. This, of course, is a great survival value, so once we started developing the genes that would enable us to do this, it is not difficult to understand, at least in a general way, why it caught on. Thus, by a genetically economical way, we became able to adapt to our environment and to adapt our environment to ourselves in ways that far outstripped would could be incorporated directly into our genes as far as the specifics of coping with the world.

Thus, we became the pre-eminent species to survive by doing things that our genes provide only a kind of foundation, and not the skills themselves. Other animals do this to a relatively small degree, as we can tell by observing our own dogs and cats, but humans not only do this to a much greater degree, but we have to do it to a much greater degree, because, once we have the basic mechanism, it prevents us from successfully living as other animals do.

This is because, while cognitively correct uses of the rational faculty requires a lot of learning, the incorrect uses of it require only a very minimal learning, a degree of learning that occurs in early childhood. At this level, instead of being able to function as other primates do, without the heavy use of a conceptual faculty, the human conceptual faculty will function, but not correctly. In effect, a crude form of the rational faculty has been developed, and it operates in a subconscious or implicit sort of way, to automatically connect things together, but not to automatically do so in a cognitively useful way.

This automatically operating mechanism is the pattern-detection mechanism described earlier. Without training in discriminating between patterns that have a really good chance of reflecting what's actually going on in reality, patterns are "detected" in a willy-nilly way, according not to cognitive principles but according to the patterns that have already accumulated in the person's mind, and according to psychological pressures, according to what the person wants to be true, or according to what authority-figures have told him.

It doesn't take much of a pattern-detection mechanism to have a dream of talking with God and then to believe that one was talking with God. This is pretty natural, since we "naturally” tend to believe anything that feels true and that we don't have recognized reasons to doubt.

We do this on what we might think of as "economic" grounds. If we believe something and it has no detected costs but does have detected benefits (such as making us feel better when we think of it), we will tend to accept such beliefs because we see no reason not to. Development of the rational faculty to the point where we can see the costs of accepting such beliefs requires further learning, which we mostly do not naturally see any reason to bother with.

Again, this argues for the criticality of teaching rationality in our schools, so children can be brought to a level where they will then be motivated to continue developing their rational thinking skills and their habitual use of them because they understand that doing so is important to their own well-being. Without this recognition, children will not see the point of it, and without the early development of the basics, they will not develop this recognition. What's so tragic about our school systems is that we don't provide this basic learning even though it is possible to develop this key recognition with a very limited amount of learning. We don't do it because we (mostly) have not developed this recognition for the same reason it doesn't normally develop in our children. Even when we can see the value of it in an abstract sense, we haven't learned it deeply enough to make it something we really act on, or something we deeply want to impart to our children or have the school system take on.

In fact, when we do develop this recognition, it is usually not even consciously that we do so. We may find ourselves wanting to learn and understand things, we may conscientiously try to grasp the essentials of the problems we face and to respond by cognitively validated means, but we may not realize that this something crucial that needs to be identified explicitly and propagated to others as much as we can, at least by example and suggestion. This is the other side of the merely abstract conscious recognition; this is a subconscious recognition which, because it is subconscious, is not something we can explicitly think about and deliberately develop and seek to impart to others.

Pragmatism

Evolution is pragmatic, and we are by nature pragmatic in a certain biological sense. And, when we want to refute certain kinds of nonsense, such as the popular idiocy among certain intellectuals that science is no different from conventional mainstream religions in that, they claim, it is merely a subjective social construct, with no more real claim to objectivity than such religions, we can do so by pointing out that if that were true, they wouldn't be able to get their lousy papers and books published because there would be no technology of printing, manufacturing, distribution, no Internet for them to use in trying to cook up ever more and more irrational claims to make, since all of our technology beyond understanding the leverage of a shovel in prying dirt out of the ground, depends on the very science they regard as merely subjective. Thus, while we cannot prove that science theories in general are true in the strict sense that, say, a fundamental law of logic is, it is clear that there is some sense in which science does in fact represent the truth, if only by a process of elimination of falsehoods.

Thus, while it is not strictly true that those ideas that work are necessarily true, and it is certainly not definitive of truth, it is definitive of a certain kind of veridicality, of truth-likeness, of approximation to the truth. Kuhn, as I understand him, was wrong about scientific revolutions. They never just overturn what we already think. Instead, scientific revolutions, such as those of Newtonian physics and later of Einsteinian and quantum physics, overturn certain abstract ideas we have about the science of particular fields. But, while Copernicus, Kepler, Brahe, Galileo, Newton and others overturned the Ptolemaic theory of the motion of the planets, they did not reject the basic data behind it nor the fact that Ptolemaic theory still represents a good first approximation of a method of calculating the visual position of the planets in the sky.

Newtonian physics is still used in practice in a vast range of applications because, despite the theory of relativity, Newton's physics is still such a remarkably good approximation that it makes no sense to try to apply the relativistic equations under conditions where we know that relativistic effects are very slight. We use relativity in building linear particle accelerators because the relative velocities of the particles are so high, but we use Newtonian equations for calculating space flights. Thus, at a deep conceptual level, we have a different view of space and time from that of Newton, but we still keep his theory as a very good approximation for nearly all ordinary physical calculations. In effect, each revolution has kept the work of prior scientists as an approximation for some subset of the range of facts that the new theory deals with.

Thus, as we can see from mere historical facts, even if not by an examination of the theories involved, Kuhn and the postmodernist types are simply wrong about what happens. On top of that, they are wrong about the interpretation of what happens, so they have committed two kinds of errors. [See note 3]

Notes

These are not in any special order, and not necessarily associated with any specific point in the main text.

1. Rand, in her book on her theory of knowledge, points out that, at the perceptual level, the given is not sensory data at all, but rather perceptual data, or perceptual objects, perceptual things. Perceptual things are not necessarily objects in other senses, but they often are. What makes something a perceptual object is that we mentally see or experience it as distinct in some way from whatever is around it, spatially and/or temporally or in terms of perceptual qualities. This is similar to the Gestalt psychology idea that we perceive the world in terms of objects in a context (or background, if I remember the Gestalt terminology correctly). Thus, things that we see on TV are perceptual objects even though, in fact, they are mere patterns of colored light emitted by the TV screen, and a splotch of color on a wall may be a perceptual object even though it is not an object like an orange or a table. Given that we perceive the world as objects, we can then discern similarities and dissimilarities among them and thus begin the process of grouping some things as similar to each other but different from other things, thus beginning the formation low-level concepts.

2. Reason has somewhat the same relationship to unreason as the correct ways of calculating the sum of two numbers have to the incorrect ways, in that reason is rather narrow and reasonably well-defined, but unreason can be any alternative to the conceptual cognitive ways of determining what is or is not the case. Thus, for example, while reason limits us to a certain set of ways of doing things, precisely because we want at least a good approximation of the truth, unreason has no such limitations on it, and so we have to define it in essentially negative terms, as suggested by the term "unreason" itself. That is, unreason is any mental process that is taken as cognitive but which is not in fact cognitive, at least in some important respect. For example, the common blind faith in one or other of the various Gods of the Bible has no core of cognition, but is instead based on mostly non-cognitive processes, with cognition playing only a secondary role.

3. While I'm on the topic of science, I'd like to offer a of theory of scientific truth, which goes like this:

Scientific theories can be true in the sense that there is a vast range of factual claims that they implicitly make, and we can establish that a large portion of these are in fact true claims. Thus, even if we have to admit (and I do so admit) that the theory of relativity is not necessarily strictly true in every respect, it still effectively incorporates and integrates a vast range of true propositions, of propositions that we can validate by empirical test and that Newtonian or other such alternative theories do not support or which they actually contradict. Thus, we can say that there is, in a good and well-tested scientific theory, a larger set of true propositions than is effectively contained by theories that do not pass the same tests. By "larger set," I do not, of course mean larger in a strict mathematical sense, because any theory that incorporates even one true proposition implicitly incorporates an infinitude of true propositions. What I mean by a "larger set" is a larger set of true propositions at whatever level of granularity or detail we choose to use for comparison. Thus, for example, Newtonian physics is incompatible with the recession of the orbit of Mercury and the bending of light as it passes the Sun on the way to Earth, but general relativity implies both of these phenomenon, and thus (at least in these two respects, relativity incorporates or integrates a larger set of true propositions than Newtonian physics does).

Thus, even if we don't know that the theory of relativity is strictly true in the conventional sense, we know that it is strictly true with respect to a wide range of factual claims that we can make on the basis of its premises.

I should also point out that knowledge is contextual, but that being contextual does not make it subjective, even though the theory may have to be replaced at some later date. With respect to the context of our present empirical knowledge, general relativity is true and Newtonian physics is only an approximation, but, at some future time, we will probably find that, given an expanded context, general relativity is an approximation in somewhat the same sense that we now regard Newtonian physics as an approximation.

This is a slightly specialized sense of truth, but it is not especially radical, and it does enable us to keep truth from collapsing into pure pragmatism (though, in technical terms, not all forms of pragmatism are pragmatic by the meaning we normally associate with the term "pragmatism").

Thus, while we cannot claim that a theory is true on merely pragmatic grounds, we can claim that a theory that works and works stupendously well and precisely must have something true about it, something objectively true, or it would not be able to work as well as it does. Newtonian physics, general relativity, and quantum mechanics all have a brilliant core of truth in this sense, even if, in the final analysis, it turns out that they all disagree with reality in some respects and we have to come up with better theories.

I have dealt with this issue of the relationship of scientific theories to reality at some length because it is not only science made by certain intellectuals, in order, apparently to make a name for themselves by outdoing others in the absurdity and irrationality of their claims. Reason itself, ever since its explicit identification in the depths of human history, has been attacked by some people with prejudices to sell that would not go over well with a rational audience. In modern times, these attacks on reason have been renewed by many Existentialists, by postmodernists, by fundamentalists, by radical feminists, and by people who want to appear sophisticated by adopting "modern," anti-mainstream views, regardless of their cognitive status.

4. Note: This is one of the reasons education (and not mere schooling) is important. While full education obviously requires more than merely the development of both the skills and the habits of rationality, the development of the rational faculty beyond the level that it would achieve by purely genetically-driven biological development is a core aspect of education -- which, unfortunately, is almost perfectly and uniformly ignored or even hindered by ordinary schooling, in all nations and all cultures on Earth today. Our school systems teach some specific skills, such as spelling or arithmetic explicitly, but leave all of the core development of reason to chance and to whatever children learn by implication and sometimes by example.


Bibliography

I don't have formal references, but here's a small bibliography. It's arranged alphabetically by title, not by author.

Consciousness Explained

by Daniel Dennett

Little, Brown and Company

Boston

The Framentation of Reason

by Stephen P. Stich

The MIT Press

Cambridge, Massachusetts

London, England

I have only read part of this so far, and I'm not at all sure I will agree with his final conclusions, but it seems to be pretty good in describing certain common cognitive failures.

How We Believe: The Search for God in an Age of Science

by Michael Shermer

W.H. Freeman and Company

New York

Though I think Shermer's explanations are not always complete, I found both this book and the one listed below to be well worth reading.

Inevitable Illusions: How Mistakes of Reason Rule Our Minds
by Massimo Piattelli-Palmarini
John Wiley & Sons

This book is now ten years old, and I know that cognitive science has not stood still in the interval, but this is still a pretty good book. There doesn't seem to be a new edition.

The Meme Machine

by Susan Blackmore

Oxford University Press

Oxford, England

Why People Believe Weird Things

by Micheal Shermer

W.H. Freeman and Company

New York

Papers by Amos Tversky and D. Kahneman

I haven't read these, but I've read about some of their work, and it seems very likely that the papers would be quite good

I know I've read at least one other good book on the scientific research about errors in human cognition, but I can't remember the title of it and a more or less thorough search through my books failed to turn it up. If someone who reads this knows of such a book not mentioned above, please let me know.

 

Feedback, discussion, comments, questions: Chris Cogan, ccogan@ou.edu