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Standing Watch: Deer Park’s Atlas ICBM
By
Wally Lee Parker
I
… there were rumors …
The rumors started in the summer of 1958 — rumors saying inquiries about large
tracts of land around the municipal airport were being made — rumors saying government
surveyors were crawling all over the Deer Park area, taking measurements and
asking questions.
Something big was going on.
By summer's end the rumors were saying the military planned to build a
multi-million dollar missile base close to Deer Park,
with lots of new jobs for the locals.
Deer Park and Clayton were ripe for
rumors. Just a year before, one of the area's major employers, the
Clayton brick plant, had shut down. Any rumor suggesting a chance for
economic growth was worth grasping.
Everyone in the country was nervous. During the closing months of 1957,
the entire nation had been shaken by three troubling events. For several
years the Navy's Vanguard satellite project had promised that the world's first
"artificial moon" would be launched in 1958 — and would be
American. But in October of '57, and again in November, the Russians
orbited satellites. America's
spirit was bruised again in early December when the much-publicized Vanguard
rocket blew up during a test.
Doctor Edward Teller, creator of
the American hydrogen bomb, described this set of events as a
"technological Pearl Harbor". Doctor
Teller wasn't just speaking of the damage to American pride. The rockets
that launched the Sputniks were military, and what was shot into orbit could be
dropped back to earth. Satellites or bombs, the Russian's could do
either. No place was safe.
Unlike the average citizen, steeped in the myth of American technological
superiority, not everyone was surprised by Russia's
capabilities. Farsighted scientific, military, and political leaders in Russia
and America had
understood since the close of World War II that topping a long-range rocket
with a nuclear warhead would create the ultimate weapon. Like the German
V-2, once such a device began clawing its way out of the atmosphere, nothing on
this Earth could stop it. While Russian scientists, when speaking of
massive "transatlantic rockets", were listened to by the Soviet
version of the military/industrial complex, in America
such visionaries were fighting an uphill battle.
In 1946 the Air Force initiated an on-off relationship with a company called
Consolidated-Vultee — contracting with them to study and develop systems for
long-range rockets. Over the years, Vultee came up with two exceptionally
innovative concepts.
First was the "steel balloon" design. Intended to save weight,
this design did away with the need for a nose to tail framework. Rather
it pressurized the rocket's vertically stacked fuel tanks — much like blowing
up an inner tube — to make them rigid.
Second was the stage-and-a-half design. The rocket would lift-off with
all its engines firing. Then, part way through the powered portion of the
flight, some of the rocket engines and their associated assemblies would shut
down and jettison, again reducing weight.
In 1951, the inner circles of government, stimulated by a growing suspicion
that eventual conflict with a technologically advanced Soviet Union
was probable, began to become serious about intercontinental ballistic
missiles. That seriousness was reinforced in 1953 when the Russians, less
than a year after Americans exploded the world's first hydrogen device, exploded
a hydrogen bomb of their own — a device that was actually more scientifically
sophisticated, and usable as a rocket delivered weapon, then the research
device the Americans had detonated.
By 1954, a flood of classified reports regarding Russian capabilities and
intent, finally forced the government to act. The decision was made to
build a workable intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) system as soon as
possible. Certainly before the end of the decade — the point at which
those privy to that secret intelligence expected the Russians to have a
deployable long range missile.
Since the United States needed a workable system quickly, it was decided all
the parts — rockets, warheads, launch systems, guidance systems, transport
systems, and support systems — would have to be developed at the same
time. Often several companies, using different approaches, were
contracted to solve the same problem. The first fully developed solution
would be fitted into the system, with development and improvements continuing
even after the missile became operational.
The last decade's worth of missile research needed to be pulled into one
place. As this was being done, many members of the original
Consolidated-Vultee design team found themselves again working on the project —
this time under their company's new name, Convair Astronautics.
By 1955, the general appearance and overall performance expectations of the
Atlas had been solidified. All that was left was to build it, test it,
and then keep reworking the system until it functioned as intended.
In the summer of 1958, as a workable system began to emerge, the Army Corps of
Engineers started looking for land to site missile bases — looking for land
before the design of those bases had been finalized. And one place they
were looking was Deer Park.
In the second week of January 1959, the Deer Park Tribune announced that the
rumors that began in the summer of `58 were no longer rumors. The Washington,
D.C. office of congressman Walt Horan had
called a press release in to the local newspaper saying the Air Force was
indeed considering the local airport as a possible missile site.
The plan called for three missile bases, with each base containing three
missiles. Tentative sites for those bases would be near the towns of Davenport,
Deer Park, and in the Long
Lake area — with Fairchild Air
Force Base as the hub.
The peak of Dunns Mountain,
located about eight miles west by southwest of Deer Park,
was also to be purchased, presumably for some type of air defense or missile
tracking device. The actual function of this proposed mountaintop
installation remained secret.
Information obtained from a land surveyor suggested the Air Force was
interested in a 250 acre tract, at least part of it overlaying a portion of the
existing Deer Park airport.
But the town council had yet to be approached by anyone from the government
with any official proposal — meaning that the council, like everyone else, was
still in the dark.
In the January article, the Tribune quoted Congressman Horan as saying the
Atlas site would be "a big boost to the town of Deer
Park". While the hope of jobs created by a
continuing military presence lifted spirits, the joke of the day was that the
town would "boom" in more ways than one — since the missile base
would surely become a Soviet target.
Located about two miles east of downtown Deer Park,
the airport had three paved runways laid out in a triangle, with the tips
overlapping. The west runway lay in a true north-south direction.
The other two slanted inward, to cross over each other to the east.
It was this eastern portion of the triangle that raised a few eyebrows when, a
month later, a "civilian" from the Army Corps of Engineers asked the
city council to sign a "right of entry" so preliminary construction
could begin at the airport. It was then that the city council was shown a
Corps of Engineers map, dated October, 1958, outlining a 20 acre block on top
of the southeast/northeast runway intersection as the missile base proper, and
another 250 surrounding acres as restricted military space.
The town's mayor, Earl Mix, told the representative that he wasn't signing
anything until the government explained its intention of ruining Deer
Park's municipal airport by sitting the missile base
on top of it.
The council decided to act. Letters of protest went out to the Air Force Chief
of Staff and every national and state legislator the council could think
of. The city's Chamber of Commerce did likewise.
In the second week of March, to discuss the issue, the Air Force sent Colonel
R. H. Farwell of the Ballistic Missile Division, and eight other Air Force
officers, plus four men from the Army Corps of Engineers, into a meeting with
Earl Mix and two city councilmen. Apparently unimpressed by this display
of "overwhelming force", Mayor Mix told the military that the city
had two other nearby tracts of land — one 400 acres, another 600 — and would be
willing to sell any part or all of those for a missile site. But the
airport was too important to the city to be negotiated away.
The Air Force relented, and agreed to look at the other properties.
When asked why the Air Force had its sights specifically on the airport,
Colonel Farwell said the military was originally looking for a thousand acres
of level land. The land around Deer Park's
airport was perfect for the military's needs. As requirements solidified,
the amount of land needed was reduced, and the original acreage was shrunk down
to its center — the airport itself. He went on to say that the airport's
potential value to the city hadn't been taken into account during the plan's
development.
By mid April, the military had released its latest plan revisions. The
number of missiles per site had shrunk from three to one, while the number of
sites in the Fairchild complex had expanded from three to nine. Deer
Park and Reardon remained as sites. The Long
Lake area was eliminated.
Added to the list of sites were Newman
Lake, Sprague, Lemona, Davenport,
Wilbur, Egypt,
and Rockford — although the Rockford
site itself would be just over the Idaho
state line.
Though unexplained at the time, what had prompted the changes in the Air
Force's plans were recent advances in the missile's design.
The typical Atlas D group consisted of three missiles around a single launch
control center — just as indicated in Congressman Horan's original message to
the Deer Park Tribune. The Atlas D's onboard guidance system required
ground tracking for flight corrections. Any corrections were calculated
by a launch center computer, then radioed to the missile. The two
problems with this system were its vulnerability to radio interference —
natural and deliberate — and that the system could only handle one missile at a
time — meaning a five minute minimum between launches.
Designated Atlas E, the newest version of the missile possessed an advanced
onboard computer and inertial guidance system, and was totally autonomous from
the moment of launch. The moment it lifted one inch skyward, it was
independent of any ground communication — and, in fact, was incapable of
receiving any.
It was also becoming apparent that the base itself would be autonomous the
moment it became operational. Nothing like a traditional military post,
it had little to offer the community in the way of jobs or business. With
that realization, the excitement began to fade. Little further mention of
the missile could be found on the front page of the community newspaper until
the fall of 1960.
Despite the calm, much was going on. At a location about a mile east of
the airport, construction began. Enough earth was excavated to allow most
everything to be built below surface grade. Two main structures were laid
out — a five thousand square foot launch control bunker, and about ten thousand
square feet of bunker for the missile and related equipment. There was
also over a hundred feet of tunnel to connect the two. One hundred and thirty
thousand cubic yards of concrete, and almost thirty thousand tons of steel went
into the eighteen inch thick walls, ceilings, and reinforced doors and hatches.
Perhaps this lack of news about the construction was deliberate. After
all, the finer details of the missiles and the nine bases surrounding Fairchild
were a matter of military secrecy.
The existence of the earlier version of the Atlas — the D model — was far from
secret. It was the largest rocket in the American arsenal, and was on its
way to becoming the nation's primary satellite launch vehicle — used to shoot a
growing array of hardware into space, as well as being modified to lift the
Mercury astronauts into orbit.
Much of the military's involvement with the D series was taking place at
California's Vandenberg Air Force Base, which was the training center for Atlas
crews, and the location of the first successful all Air Force launch.
Master Sergeant Paul Rodriques, USAF Ret. — now of Glendale,
Arizona — recalls, "On January 20, 1960, my crew, Unit R01
(Ready Zero One) of the 576th Strategic Missile Squadron launched the
first operational Atlas D sent aloft by an all Air Force team. Personnel
from Convair Astronautics and North American Rocketdyne — the builders — had
conducted launches before, but this time our team did everything. We
picked up the missile at the San Diego
factory and followed through until the re-entry vehicle impacted its target in
the Pacific Ocean. In fact, both the Sector
Commander and our Crew Commander had barred all contractors from the area
during checkout and launch — just to make sure everyone understood this was all
ours."
"Of course, our crew also had the distinction of being the first Air Force
unit to have an Atlas blow-up in the gantry."
"A few months after our first launch, we were conducting a Dual Propellant
Loading exercise. With Convair Astronautics engineers on site, we were
filling the missile's tanks with RP-1 — a highly refined form of kerosene — and
liquid oxygen. Apparently, some of the liquid oxygen spilled down through
the channel used to direct the rocket exhaust away from the gantry. The
bottom of this flame spillway was paved with asphalt. Liquid oxygen and
petroleum products — the tar in the asphalt for example — don't react kindly to
each other."
"We had a television camera mounted on top of the launch control
bunker. I was in the bunker watching the missile on a monitor when the
Atlas blew. One second it was there, the next smoke."
By August of 1960, most of the residents of the Deer Park
and Clayton area spent at least a few minutes of their warm, summer nights
watching the sky for the Echo communication satellite. This 100-foot
diameter aluminized balloon had been placed into low orbit as the target in a
radio-wave bouncing experiment. Since Echo was so easy to spot, it was
the first artificial satellite the majority of Americans actually saw.
It was also a reminder that technology had evaporated the wide oceans that had
once isolated America
from the old world. And now Americans were beginning to view overhead
objects, such as the contrails of high flying planes, with the same uneasiness
Europeans had been feeling for decades.
Within a half-dozen weeks of the Echo satellite launch, the town of Deer
Park and the military were ready to butt heads again —
this time over a highway turnoff.
II
… first encounter
with the town’s citizens …
Another tactical issue regarding the military’s decision to disperse nine Atlas
missiles in a rough east/west oval around Fairchild Air Force Base was the
problem of transporting a seventy-one foot long and sixteen-foot wide missile
over agricultural roads designed for nothing bigger than milk trucks and
thrashing machines. One solution was to add certain unique features to
the missile’s trailer. The other was to rebuild any problem spots in the
local road system.
The Army Corp of Engineers decided one problem spot was the intersection
between Crawford, Deer Park’s
primary east/west street,
and eastern Washington’s primary
north/south route, Highway 395. The Army’s answer was to contract
with the Washington State Department of Highways to round the corner for
northbound traffic turning east onto Crawford from the two-lane Interstate —
the turn the missile transport from Fairchild would be making. While this
may have been ideal for the military, it raised ire with the locals who had to
drive the route every day.
By late September of 1960, an angry editorial in the Tribune defined the
problem. The redesign required motorists exiting the Highway from the
north to turn significantly more than ninety degrees to negotiate the new
curve. Individuals caught unaware found themselves drifting into
Crawford’s oncoming westbound lane. Those aware found themselves slowing
to a crawl before attempting the turn, and immediately becoming a hazard to the
southbound traffic behind.
Within a week of the editorial, a representative from the Washington State
Highway Department went before the city council to explain. He said the
redesign had been to military requirements. He suggested a proposal to
ease the turn for southbound interstate traffic by widening Crawford even more
might create a greater hazard by encouraging lane drift, which the complaints
said was already occurring. A subsequent Tribune article indicated the
council found the arguments provided by the Highway Department representative
weak.
The first Deer Park test of the
ground transport system was carried out in the second week of January, 1961,
and reported by the Tribune under the headline “Dummy Missile Delivered to
Local Site”.
The ‘dummy missile’ was a skeletal framework used to check the critical
alignments of the bunker’s missile erection equipment. Covered in canvas
for transport, it was delivered to the site on top of a standard Atlas
trailer. But the route chosen was what caught the eye.
In the early 1950’s, Deer Park,
like several other small, rural communities, had been bypassed during the
rebuilding of Highway 395. The old route diverged from the new
interstate in a sweeping right hand curve about half a mile south of the
military’s new Atlas friendly intersection. It had been assumed that the
military didn’t use this already curving bypass intersection to avoid
negotiating a ninety degree turn in the restricted space of downtown Deer
Park. But the ninety degree turn was exactly the
route the ‘dummy missile’ took.
The local newspaper said the transport was able to negotiate the corner at Main
and Crawford in “a short while”. After this article, the missile base
practically disappeared from the pages of the Tribune.
Negotiating local roads was only the last transport problem for the
Atlas. Early on, the missile’s developers recognized that hauling large
ICBMs long distances over public highways would be a logistical
nightmare. The answer was the Douglas C-133B Cargomaster heavy-lift
aircraft — with cargo bay dimensions exceeding the length and width of the
Atlas.
Powered by four, seven thousand horsepower turboprop engines, the aircraft
could lift 150,000 pounds — far more than the 36,000 pound combined weight of
the empty rocket and its trailer.
Designed to be pulled by a big-rig truck tractor, the tubular steel trailer
measured just over seventy feet long. Though a foot shorter than the
missile, the fact that the missile’s engine nozzles overhung the rear of the
trailer by forty inches allowed the missile’s body to fit comfortably on the
trailer. The trailer carried all the pressurizing equipment necessary to
maintain the rigidity of the missile’s fuel-tank airframe. It also
contained the hydraulics necessary to stretch the missile should the pressure
system and its backups fail.
Four wheels on two axles carried the rear of the trailer. These wheels
could be steered when cornering or locked straight for highway travel.
Tillermen reclining in cabins suspended under both sides of the trailer bed,
just forward of the rear wheels, could maneuver the rear of the twelve-foot
wide trailer and its fifteen-foot wide cargo around tight
corners.
Loaded on the trailer at Convair’s San Diego
factory, each missile’s first trip was to Vandenberg AFB. The challenge for the
transport crew was squeezing the missile and trailer into the Cargomaster.
Jack Roberts, Professor of Industrial Engineering at Texas A & M recalls,
“At the time I was an Airman 1st Class and Missile Maintenance
Technician assigned to the 548th Strategic Missile Squadron at
Forbes AFB, Kansas. We were
sending one of our missiles back to Vandenberg for a test launch. My
recollection of the missile loading procedure comes from that operation.”
“To feed the missile into the airplane’s cargo bay, we positioned the trailer
behind the aircraft with the missile’s nose toward the plane and laid four sets
of metal rails underneath the trailer and up the plane’s loading ramp — rails
intended to guide the trailer’s castor wheels.”
“We jacked up the rear of the trailer, unpinned the rear wheels, disconnected
the brake lines and such, and rolled the wheel assembly away. Since they
protruded below the bottom of the trailer’s frame, we removed the tillerman’s
cabins. Then we lowered the trailer down with it’s rear-end castors
dropping onto the outside set of rails. The front castors were locked in
their full-up position, and then the front of the trailer’s frame was lowered
until the front castors dropped onto the inner set of rails. All this was
done to lower the height of the trailer.”
“The heaviest part of the missile sat over the rear wheels of the trailer where
the two outboard booster engines and their nacelles added another three feet to
each side of the rocket’s ten foot core. The fit was so tight we removed
whatever protrusions we could. We removed the booster nacelles from both
sides of the rocket. The nacelles were aerodynamic coverings for
equipment extending beyond the normal skin of the missile. We took off the
dorsal steering rocket — the upper vernier protruding from the top of the
recumbent tank section. The second vernier engine — the one protruding
from the bottom side of the rocket’s body — was always removed before lowering
the missile onto the trailer.”
“The trailer was then slowly cabled in using the airplane’s cargo winch.
As the missile inched forward, the castors rolled onto continuations of our
temporary rails which had been permanently mounted into the cargo deck of the
aircraft.”
“Unloading the Atlas was a matter of reversing the procedure.”
“I was the only person on the Cargomaster who knew how to operate the trailer’s
pressure control system — or how to put the ‘bird’ in stretch if something went
wrong. I had more responsibility at that point than I had ever had before
in my life. Add to that the fact that this was the first time this west Texas
farm kid had ever flown, and you can understand why I was scared to
death. Other then those things, both me and the missile did just fine.”
“As for what we did with all the stuff we took off the missile and its trailer
— wheel assembly, tillerman’s cabins, nacelles — we may have winched them
aboard the C-133 or sent them on another plane. As soon as the bird was
safely shoehorned into the Cargomaster, I was so overwhelmed by my own
responsibilities that I didn’t notice anything else.”
“The reason we were taking a missile to Vandenberg is a story cobbled out of
the G. I. grapevine and a few official briefings.”
“Just after the Cuban Missile Crisis the bureaucrats in Washington D. C.
worried whether the missiles would have actually worked if President Kennedy
had authorized the launch.”
“To test this concern, Secretary of Defense McNamara ordered the serial numbers
of all operational Atlas missiles dropped in a hat and one pulled. The
idea was to place a non-nuclear research warhead on this missile, change the
guidance boards to rotate westward to a Pacific target instead of over the pole
to Russia, and
then send a no-notice launch order to whatever crew happened to be rotated to
this particular missile at the decided time. It would be the first test
launch of an ICBM out of an actual operational bunker located somewhere within
the continental United States.
That somewhere turned out to be Kansas.”
“Needless to say, the politicians in Kansas
and all the states to the west threw a fit. After all, even if the rocket
over-flew the western states perfectly, the booster section might come down
somewhere short of the Pacific coast.”
“The military modified the test, telling us to take the selected bird to
Vandenberg where it would be launched by a Forbes crew. Once there, the
squadron crews were rotated to the Vandenberg launch complex just as they would
have been at Forbes. This went on for almost three months. Then the
crews were ordered to leave the missile and return home.”
“Apparently the politicians got cold feet. The anti-missile group worried
that the missile might work perfectly. The pro-missile group worried that
it might fail miserably. Neither side wanted to take the risk.”
“Later on, a civilian crew from General Dynamics launched our bird. We
were told that the test warhead splashed down four hundred yards off
target. That was close enough after a six thousand mile flight,
especially considering that the real warhead used on the Atlas E was the Mark
IV. We knew the Mark IV was a big warhead, but the exact yield was classified
at the time. We now know it produced a blast equivalent to three million,
seven hundred and fifty thousand tons of TNT — nearly four megatons. As I
said, with a blast that big four hundred yards is close enough to any target. ”
On December 6, 1960, a
Cargomaster C-133B from Vandenberg dropped out of Fairchild’s cold winter sky
carrying the first of the base’s compliment of Atlas missiles. Then, on a
bright spring day at the end of March, 1961, a ground convoy transporting Deer
Park’s Atlas left Fairchild for its first encounter
with the town’s citizens.
Traveling down the highway in the center of a six or more vehicle convoy
bracketed by trucks with “Caution Wide Load” signs, the rocket couldn’t be
missed. There wasn’t any pretence of secrecy to it. If a person
somehow mistook the canvas covered body of the rocket for a silage silo or fuel
tank, the outline of those three giant rocket nozzles protruding in a
horizontal line across the back would leave no doubt. And the slow speeds
necessary for moving any oversize object down a public highway, no more than
forty miles an hour tops, certainly gave everyone plenty of time to gawk.
“There were at least two Air Police vehicles in any highway convoy,” Jack
Roberts said. “Those men were armed with carbines and handguns. An
officer or NCO was in charge of the convoy, and usually had his own radio
equipped command car. Usually there was a maintenance vehicle carrying
Missile Maintenance Technicians or Ballistic Missile Analyst Technicians, their
tools and tech orders — just in case any work was needed on the missile or its
trailer. And normally we had some local cops as escorts.”
“As for maneuvering the trailer itself, both tillerman positions were equipped
with steering wheels, but no brakes. The tillermen couldn’t see each
other across the trailer. Communication between the tillermen, and between the
tillermen and the driver was through a headset/microphone intercom
system. For outside communication, the truck driver had a shortwave
radio.”
“There were outside intercom plug-ins on the trailer so anyone walking
alongside during tight maneuvers could voice communicate with the three men
steering the rig. Most of the time the outside crew used hand signals to
communicate with the driver and tillermen.”
Richard Hodges, a 1964 graduate of Deer Park High, recalls, “I don’t know how I
got down to watch the missile negotiate the turn from Highway 395 onto Crawford
Street, since I was suppose to be in school like everyone else. But there
I was, camera in hand. I recall the State Patrol had to block traffic on
395 to give the transport team time to back the big rig across both lanes and
try again. It was something all the citizens that had gathered to watch
were commenting about — how the government spent all that money to reshape the
Crawford portion of the
intersection and widen Crawford’s Dragoon Creek bridge
just a few yards further east, but still managed to not have enough room.”
Atlas E on transporter - Fairchild Air Force Base - 1965
 |
“On the other hand, after spending my working life as a mechanical engineer, I
can appreciate how making something work on paper is only the beginning of any
job.”
Having negotiated the turn, the transport team had a straight shot for the next
four miles. That would take them through the center of Deer
Park, and due east, straight to the turn off now
called Missile Site Road.
While the missileers may have been breathing a sigh of relief, believing that
the worse hazards of the thirty some mile journey from Fairchild were behind,
there was one more unanticipated danger ahead — the students of Consolidated
School District 414.
An announcement was made at the local high school that the Atlas missile would
be parked in front of the Crawford Street
middle school (the former high school, and now city hall) for several hours,
and that we were free to leave the building during assigned study halls to
inspect the rocket. In fact, all the district’s students would have a
chance to see the rocket — this included students bussed down from the old
Clayton grade school.
For me it was much more than a chance to dump study hall. Both science
and science fiction had long been an interest of mine, and the Atlas seemed a
blending of both. I would have to say the sight of uncloaked missile was
exotic, but not particularly impressive. By that I mean it was a shell
with little else to see. I understood its potential — that well
demonstrated by its use in the space program. Still, with the rocket
lying mute on the trailer, little could be seen to explain the mechanics of
that potential.
Such mechanics were shrouded beneath stainless steel or fiberglass.
Inserts even hid the interiors of the engine throats. The missile’s inner
workings remained a mystery.
I can vaguely recall a few fatigue-clad airmen keeping watch. The one
notable thing was that most didn’t seem much older than the high school
students. The only firearm visible was the single service revolver on the
hip of Deer Park’s sole, full-time
police officer. Other than that, I can’t recall any brass or flash.
A good collection of students from primary to high school milled around the
missile, when, all of a sudden, the airmen, chief of police, teachers,
everyone, began yelling for us to get out of the street. With voices lowered to
a serious growl, the men walked down the curb and brushed the students onto the
sidewalk.
Within seconds, the street was clear. The engine on the truck tractor
bellowed. And the missile whipped away to the east.
“What just happened?” I asked. “They were supposed to be here for another
hour.”
The answer came back, “Some idiot threw a rock at the missile.”
Joseph ‘Buddy’ Farris, now an Encephalographic Technologist at Holy
Family Hospital
in Spokane, recalled the
incident. “I was in the fourth grade, Mrs. Noble’s class, when we marched
up to see the rocket. After the bunch of us had been herded up on the
sidewalk and the rocket taken away, I saw that Mister Hegre, my grade school
principal, had a second-grader pinned against a tree and was reading him the
riot act.”
“Asking around, the version I heard said these two second graders got to daring
each other as to whether they could throw a rock all the way over the missile.”
Since the missile, reclining on its trailer, towered thirteen and a half feet
above the street, the challenge was obvious.
Joe continued, “Apparently, the answer was no, since the rock bounced
off. Their defense was that it wasn’t the missile they were aiming
at. That defense didn’t seem to make much difference to the Air Force.”
Bob Lemley, now retired, was a Ballistic Missile Analyst Technician with Fairchild’s
567th Strategic Missile Squadron, and served as a launch crew member
at most of the local missile sites. Bob said, “A good size rock could
have dented the thin stainless steel skin of the Atlas. Since little kids
throw little rocks, your Deer Park
rock was probably too small to constitute a threat. But what throwing a
rock or even threatening to throw a rock would most certainly have done was
make the officer in charge of transporting the rocket as mad as hell. And
I would suspect that that’s exactly what happened.”
III
… intended for
site ‘C’ ...
|
Leaving the eastern limits of Deer
Park, Crawford Street
becomes the Deer Park-Milan Road.
This road runs straight east for the next three miles. The land around
the airport and missile site is formed from relatively flat laying deposits of
sandy-silts eroded from the surrounding granite hills. Small groves of
pine stand among these dry, open fields. Sporadic formations of stunted
apple trees … survivors from the disastrous Arcadian Orchard experiment of the
early nineteen hundreds … dot the area.
Just as the road begins to twist and drop away into the relative lushness of
the Bear Creek drainage, Missile Site Road
joins from the north. A mile up this road is the fenced perimeter of the
missile site.
|

Entrance Sign - Deer Park Complex |
All nine of Fairchild’s Atlas E sites were built to the same blueprint.
With the below grade portions of the bunkers identical, crews had no trouble
adapting as they rotated between installations.
All nine installations were also laid out to the same compass orientation.
Referred to as a semi-hardened coffin bunker, the site’s below ground
structures were designed to withstand a one megaton blast as close as a mile
and a half. A detonation closer than this could potentially have
put the site out of commission.
In nuclear terms, neither the size nor proximity of such a detonation was
particularly great. The military was well aware of the coffin bunker’s
vulnerability. As the Atlas E’s sites were being brought into operation,
construction had already begun on the next generation of Atlas ICBM’s, the
hardened-silo based Atlas F series.
Silos were superior to the Atlas E’s coffin bunkers in two respects.
First, they were buried deeper, and could withstand a much greater shock.
Secondly, the silo missiles were already standing upright. If launch
commands were received, the missile would first be fueled, then the silo
uncapped and the missile elevated aboveground and fired. With the coffin
bunkers, the overhead blast door had to be retracted first, then the missile
elevated from its reclining position, fueled, and fired. Prior to launch,
the E series missiles were exposed above ground for a much longer period than
the F series.
On the other hand, the missiles housed in bunkers were not as prone to blowing
up during fueling as the silo versions. Perhaps this was because the
launch bay, open to the sky during fueling, allowed explosive fumes a greater
chance to dissipate. Or perhaps this was because it was physically harder
to carry out maintenance procedures in the deep, cramped confines of a silo.
Two buildings made up the buried bunker portion of the Deer
Park site. First, the launch operations
building. This 54 by 90 foot building housed the launch control center,
communications center, two offices, a mess hall, ready room, battery room,
storage room, and power plant. Only equipment towers and the escape hatch
extend above ground.
“The bunkers didn’t have a mess hall in the truest sense,” former maintenance
missileer Jack Roberts recalled. “It was really just a kitchen, not much
larger than you would find in a civilian home. The only difference was that
we had two refrigerators so we’d have enough room to keep the foil-pack meals —
the military’s interpretation of TV dinners. There wasn’t much smell in
the kitchen, since all we did was heat up those foil packs. Those were
consumed quickly and the remains cleared away quickly. And the mess hall
was just a table in the kitchen large enough to seat six people. It could
get noisy with conversation if you had a crowd in there, which wasn’t
often. Usually the kitchen was a quiet area.”
“The launch control room sounded just like a busy office, except for an
occasional alarm.”
“The ready room area was always kept dark and quiet in case someone needed to
catch some shut-eye — particularly the guards, since they worked in well
defined shifts.”
“Two things most noticed about the power room; first, the noise was deafening,
so you didn’t go in there without hearing protection, secondly, it smelled of
diesel. It did have a good ventilation system, so the smell didn’t become
overwhelming, or drift into the rest of the building.”
“About the sound in the power room,” Jim Geoghegan, a Missile Analyst
Technician who worked mostly at the Reardan complex — site 9 — added, “you had
to yell to be heard above the noise and through the ear protection. You
could hear that sound throughout the site. Close by it was loud, then in
the Launch and Service Building
it was just a background hum or murmur.”
A hundred and twenty foot long and eight foot diameter corrugated metal tunnel
ran due south from the southeast corner of the launch operations building to
the northwest corner of the Launch and Service Building — the missile’s bunker.
This much larger building was also surrounded by eighteen inch reinforced
concrete walls and ceiling. Only the launch bay hatch was exposed above
ground — leaving very little for any nuclear blast generated shockwave, except
one arriving from above, to strike. This building was designed and
equipped to receive, store, monitor, erect, load with fuel, and launch the
missile.
The building was divided into three segments.
Running full length down the center was the bay in which the missile
reclined. 20 feet wide, 20 feet high, and 110 feet long, this section was
covered by a nearly full-length hatch, the missile erection door, designed to
slide to the side — to the west.
About this 40 by 105 foot hatch, Jack Roberts recalls, “The overhead door was a
steel I-beam framework, about twice as wide as the hatch opening, over which a
reinforced concrete cap was poured.”
“To open, this door had to be raised about six inches on rollers sitting atop
hydraulic cylinders. Once the cylinders elevated, an electric motor and
gearbox arrangement pulled the door across the rollers to the side.
During routine maintenance procedures, opening this 400 ton cap took about
thirty minutes — mostly for the jacking. During simulated wartime
procedures it only took a few seconds.”
“When there wasn’t any urgency, electric powered hydraulic
pumps were used to
feed oil into the jacks. But during a countdown, we needed that
door off
now. We couldn’t raise the missile to a standing position
until the door
was clear. And we couldn’t start fueling until the missile
was standing upright.”
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“To
speed the process we used accumulators to supply hydraulic pressure to
the
jacks. An accumulator is a cylinder with a piston in it. On
one
side of this piston is hydraulic oil. High pressure nitrogen is
released
against the other side of the piston, forcing the hydraulic oil out of
the
cylinder and into the lines running to the overhead jacks —
literally slamming
the jacking cylinders up.”
“400 tons of concrete and steel jumps 6 inches. It sounded like a cannon
going off. You could feel the shock.”
“At the same time, high pressure gas begins to flow, blast gates begin to slam
shut, valves begin to cycle, the overhead door begins to slide to the side,
missile erection motors kicked in, and within seconds the bird starts to stand
up.”
“In the Launch and Service Building,
countdowns were extremely noisy. Scared the hell out of me the first time
I experienced it.’
“There was just too much wear and tear on the equipment to use the rapid open
sequence every time we needed the overhead door off. Besides, recharging
the nitrogen used to drive the accumulators was both time consuming and
expensive.”
|
 |
| Looking
down into the open launch bay. Note that the overhead door retracts to
the left - to the west. Also note that a portion of the body of the
missile appears to be painted white. This is actually the liquid oxygen
tank covered in a thick, ice-like layer of condensation frost. The
white plume is caused when chilled oxygen, boiling out of the LOX tank,
condenses atmospheric moisture into fog. |
|
Before the door could be raised on its hydraulic jacks, the hold down latches used
to hook the underside of the door firmly to the launch bay had to be released.
“The latches were just large pieces of angle iron mounted on hinges high up on
the missile bay walls,” Roberts said. “To lock, they were rotated by
hydraulic cylinders so that they overlapped the edges of the overhead door’s
perimeter beam.”
The necessity of latching down a 400-ton door may be difficult to grasp, but so
is the actual power of a nuclear explosion. A nuclear airburst of either
sufficient size or proximity to the missile site would create a horrendous down
pressure. This would immediately be followed by a nearly as horrendous
vacuum-generated updraft that could potentially suck the 400-ton door up — at
the least displacing it enough to disable the slide mechanism so the bay
couldn’t be opened, or, at worse, ripping the door completely away, and
exposing the missile.
Getting the missile into and out of the launch bay was a matter of backing its
trailer down a paved access ramp located on the north side of the building — a
ramp that dropped from ground level to the bunker’s floor. At the bottom
of the ramp was a 20 foot wide, 18 foot high blast door leading into the launch
bay. To gain entrance, this 47 ton, foot and a half thick, fabricated
steel door had to be cranked opened.
Missileer Dick Mellor recalls, “The blast door slid sideways into a pocket in
the wall behind the logic units. The door was hung on rollers, and was
moved by a chain drive and hand crank. It took some six hundred turns to
slide the door all the way back. We never figured out why they hadn’t
installed a motor to do that. Maybe Airmen were cheaper.”
On the east side of the launch and service building, protected from the missile
bay by a blast wall and blast door, was the liquid oxygen room. This
room, 18 feet wide, 72 feet long, and averaging 10 feet in height, contained
all the equipment needed for handling the super cold oxidizer for the rocket
fuel.
“The LOX room, being farthest away from everything, was quiet,” Jack Roberts
noted. “And, because the valves and other fixtures protruding into the
room from the end of the buried liquid oxygen tank were covered with ice, it
was always chilly.”
The mechanical and electrical equipment room was situated west of the missile
bay. This area, the largest at 45 feet by 104 feet, contained the various
panels of electronic equipment needed for monitoring the condition of the
missile, and storing the flight data that would be fed into the missile’s
computer before launch. It also contained the gas charging equipment
needed to drive the accumulators lifting the giant overhead door, as well as
the equipment needed for handling the modified kerosene rocket propellant.
Jack said, “The logic units — primitive computers — as well as a lot of other
electronic equipment had to be cooled, so there was always the sound of the
air-conditioning system’s blowers. There was a machine hum, part of that
from the 400 cycle generator we had running all the time. And then there
was a smell, some say of ozone, rising from all the hot electronic devices.”
Sergeant Paul Rodrigues reminisced, “Over a period of eighteen years I was
associated with the Atlas D, E, and F series missiles, and with the Titan II
ICBMs. All the bunkers and silos had a similar odor. They had an
acrid, metallic smell you could taste. Warm electronics, rubber, and
hydraulic fluid — always hydraulic fluid. And diesel fuel.”
“I know the last remaining Titan II silo, now a Green Valley, Arizona, tourist
attraction, still smells as it did when active in the 1960’s. I’ve been
told that those odors still linger in many of the converted sites. In
fact, the first remark former missileers often make when visiting those sites
is that they still smell the same.”
A blast wall and blast door also protected this room from events, intended or
otherwise, that might occur inside the launch bay portion of the Launch and Service
Building.
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