PICKETT'S CHARGE
AS SEEN
FROM THE FRONT LINE.
____________
A PAPER PREPARED AND READ BEFORE
CALIFORNIA COMMANDERY
OF THE
MILITARY ORDER
OF THE
Loyal Legion of the United States,
FEBRUARY 8, 1888.
__________________
BY COMPANION
CHAPLAIN WINFIELD SCOTT, U. S. ARMY,
LATE CAPTAIN 126TH NEW YORK VOL. INFANTRY.
__________________________
PICKETT'S CHARGE
AS BEEN FROM THE FRONT LINE.
The battle of Gettysburg was the only great battle fought, during the war of the Rebellion, on Union soil. The battle of Chancellorsville, Virginia, fought under Hooker, had given the Confederates great encouragement. Lee thought it was time, and best, to transfer the field of battle to northern soil. After obtaining consent of the authorities at Richmond, he organized and began his great raid into Maryland and Pennsylvania. His force consisted of about 120,000 men, the Infantry divided into three army corps. The 1st, under Longstreet; the 2d, under Ewell; the3d, under A. P. Hill. Each corps had three divisions beside the artillery attached. The cavalry division, composed of six brigades, was under command of Gen. J. E. B. Stuart. There was attached to it six batteries of horse artillery, under Maj. Beckham.
The artillery had 69 batteries, of 287 guns, and was under command of Gen. Pendleton.
The Army of the Potomac was under the command of Gen. Geo. G. Meade, who succeeded Hooker in command while on the march to Gettysburg. It consisted of seven army corps. The lst,2d, 3d, 5th, 6th, 11th, and 12th, commanded by Reynolds, Hancock, Sickles, Sykes, Sedgwick, Howard and Slocum. The corps to which our brigade belonged was the 2d, under Hancock. The cavalry was under Gen. Pleasanton, consisting of three small divisions. The artillery had 65batteries, of 370 guns, 212 with the infantry, 50 with the cavalry, and 108 in reserve, and was under the command of Gen. Hunt. The whole army was composed of about 90,000 effective men of all arms.
When Gen. Meade assumed command on the 28th of June, Lee's army was at Chambersburg, Cashtown, and York, Pennsylvania, and threatening Harrisburg.
Our army,--each corps taking different roads--pushed along after Lee, determined to bring him to a stand, and if possible, to a battle. On the 29th, rumors began to reach those of us who were not in a position to know, that Lee was on the return and approaching Gettysburg. The 2d corps made a forced march of 33 miles, to Uniontown, on the 29th. The day was hot and the roads dusty.
In the morning at about 8 o'clock we had forded a small stream just deep enough to cover our ankles, and were forbidden the privilege of removing our shoes and stockings before crossing the stream. The result was that, before five miles' march was concluded, the feet of officers and men were parboiled and blistered. When we halted at 8 P.M., notwithstanding the heroic endeavors of as plucky men as ever shouldered a musket, over five-sixths of the entire corps was scattered along the road, hors du combat, nursing sore toes and feet. I called the roll of my own company at night, and only 12 responded, out of 60, present in the morning, and I had the largest percent present of any Company in the Regiment.
The next day was muster, and the corps was so crippled that it was unable to move for 24 hours. To the credit of the 2d corps nearly every man came in during the day, and was duly mustered. Our Regiment, the 126th New York, was mustered at 11 A.M., and not a man of my Company was absent. From that day forward, on all marches, on hot days the men were always required to ford the streams barefooted, and consequently another such accident never occurred.
On the 1st day of July, we were pushed forward towards Gettysburg. At Forneytown we could hear the boom of artillery announcing the fact that the enemy had been found.
The 1st corps in advance, under Gen. Reynolds, and the 11th under Gen. Howard following, had come to the support of Buford's cavalry that had engaged the advance of the enemy just beyond the town of Gettysburg.
The fight of the first day, of the 1st and 11th corps, was a very stubborn one; while only a part of each army was engaged, it was as severe, perhaps, as any fighting on our part during the whole battle. It was a gallant struggle for position, successfully borne, for which great credit was due both Generals Reynolds and Howard. General Reynolds was killed before noon, and General Howard conducted operations until he placed his force securely on the line where the remainder of the great battle was fought. A desperate charge at sunset was made to capture this position; but the assault was repulsed, and night closed the fighting of the first day.
During the afternoon of this first day's battle, the ambulance containing Gen. Reynolds' body passed through our corps, and we began to receive some definite information of the situation before us. We halted at 10 P.M., within three miles of the battle line, and after resting until daylight, moved forward and were placed in position at 8 A. M., July 2d, near Ziegler's Grove, the line stretching out towards Round Top. The impression made upon us all was that this position was splendid. Culp's Hill, with Rock Creek at its base, was the terminus upon which the right could rest. Cemetery Hill, stretching towards Ziegler's Grove, and fronting the town of Gettysburg, was naturally a strong position. At Ziegler's Grove, a rocky point, with scattering trees, the ridge curved, like the toe of a horse shoe, around to the left, and ran along Cemetery Ridge towards Little Round Top. Between the end of Cemetery Ridge and Little Round Top, there was a low swag covered with trees. This low place on the line was nearly a half mile long--the ridge extending diagonally to the front along the Emmetsburg Road to the Peach Orchard--Round Top and Plum Run were still further to the left, furnishing a good position for our left flank to rest.
It is my purpose simply to describe Pickett's Charge from the front line, and so I will give only positions and a general analysis of the battle.
After the line was firmly established and the troops in their position, the battle consisted of three distinct attempts on the part of the Confederates to carry our line.
The first was the charge of Longstreet against Sickles, on the left.
Sickles had advanced his line to the Peach Orchard on the Emmetsburg Road, about a half a mile to the front of the low ground, or swag, in our line, spoken of heretofore. He had thus hung his line out in the air, simply refusing his left. Longstreet's corps struck him about 3 P.M. of these second day, and soon his whole force was driven to the rear. By the timely arrival of troops sent by Gen. Hancock from the 2d corps, and the troops brought up by the heroic conduct of Gen. Warren, from the 5th corps, at Little Round Top, this savage attack of Longstreet was repulsed with great loss to both sides.
Immediately succeeding the repulse of Longstreet's attack on our left, Ewell attacked our right at Culp's Hill, with great severity. This fight continued until after nine o'clock in the evening, with partial success on the part of the Confederates.
The morning of the 3d of July was ushered in with terrific musketry-firing on the right, at Culp's Hill. Ewell's force had worked its way into our earthworks, overlooking the Baltimore Road. The 12th corps had occupied these works the day before, but had left them to support the 2d and5th corps in the heavy attack of Longstreet at Little Round Top. Returning in the night to their old position, they found their works occupied by the enemy. At daylight a terrific charge was made by our forces which drove the enemy out, and forced them to let go and loose their grip on the whole line in front of our right. The skirmishers of the enemy were exceedingly active during the forenoon of the 3d. They pressed close up to our lines on our right center.
Gen. Alex. Hays, of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, commanded the 3d division of the 2d corps, which held this position. He was a princely soldier; brave as a lion, and was one of those dashing, reckless, enthusiastic Generals, that reminded you of one of the old cavaliers. He seemed happiest when in the thickest of the fight. His old brigade, then the 3d of his division, idolized him, and we would have followed him to the death. The skirmishers of the enemy, occupied the Bliss barn, and were very annoying. The 12th New Jersey, by Gen. Hays' direction, made a very gallant charge, and drove them out. Late in the morning when reoccupied, the 14th Conn't made another gallant charge, drove out the enemy, captured some prisoners and burned the buildings to the ground.
Four companies of the 126th New York, to which I belonged, skirmished during the forenoon, over the ground to the left of Cemetery Hill and right in front of Ziegler's Grove. Without exception, I think it was the hottest skirmish I was ever in. The enemy held their line at the Emmetsburg Road, and they stuck to it as though they were ordered to hold it at all hazards. We made a charge, drove them out, and back into the wheat field behind them, and were only stopped by a brigade that lay concealed in this wheat field, as their picket reserve. We lost so heavily that there were hardly enough left to let go. The three Captains that went out with me were killed. I lost one of my Lieutenants, the only one with my Company, and over one-third of my command. My hat, coat and pants showed the good intentions of the Johnnies to dispense with my services. At 11 A.M., we were relieved and returned to our place in the line, awaiting the further duties of the day.
Lee had chosen that part of Cemetery Ridge, held by the 2d and 3d divisions of the 2d corps, as the one upon which Pickett's assault should be made. Gen. Gibbon commanded the 2d division, and Gen. Alex. Hays the 3d. The 3d division had its right at Ziegler's Grove, the 3d brigade commanded by Col. E. Sherrill, of the 126th New York Volunteers, on the right. With our brigade was battery I, 1st U. S. artillery, commanded by Lt. Woodruff. (This battery at present is at the Presidio, commanded by Capt. Shaw). To our left and adjoining us was Smyth's brigade and Arnold's Rhode Island battery. Our division was in two lines. The front line was about 200yards in front of the rear line, and posted behind a low stone wall, patched up and topped out with a rail fence; Gibbons' division was on the left of Hays, and had with it Cushing's battery (A 4th U.S.) Brown's R.I. and Rorty's N. Y. To the left and south, in a clump of trees and bushes, lay Stannard's Vermont brigade of Doubleday's division. These were the forces that were to receive the shock of the greatest charge in history.
Soon after 11 A.M., everything became quiet. Hardly a shot was heard on the picket line. At noon it became as still as the Sabbath day. The troops lay stretched upon the ground with the hot July sun pouring upon them; a hasty lunch had been eaten from the haversack; the soldiers were recounting the incidents of the past two days of terrible fighting. Some sat with haversack on the knee, pencil in hand, writing to the dear ones at home. The silence and the heat were oppressive; when, precisely at one o'clock, suddenly from a Whitworth gun posted east of the town, came a hissing, whistling shot, passing over our brigade and down along the line towards Little Round Top. Instantly, like a bolt out of a cloudless sky, one hundred and twenty Confederate cannon broke the oppressive silence, with tempest of shot and shell such as never before, since the world began, swept a battle field. The white puffs revealed where all these batteries were. They were so placed on the left center and right center as to concentrate the fire on the line held in the main by these two divisions of the 2d corps.
Upon the right flank of the corps, the line held by
our 3d brigade, was centered a cross fire. Eighty
cannon from our line answered the thundering peal. For
an hour and a half these 200 guns smoked and thundered,
and hurled their shot and shell at each other and into
the opposing lines. It seemed to me that nothing could
have added to the noise. Shot whistled, and shell
hissed, and screamed and burst, scattering everywhere
their deadly weapons. The caissons were smitten,
ignited and blown up. Men and horses were blown to
atoms by these explosions. The brave artillery men
stood gallantly at their posts, and answered shot with
shot. Above it all could be heard the monotonous orders
of the commanders of battery, with the precision of the
tick of the clock-- "number one, fire! number two,
fire!" The forms of the men could be seen passing
through the smoke, and literally through a storm of
shot and shell, from caisson to gun, carrying their
ammunition. Men went down in scores; nearly every horse
of Woodruff's battery was slain. Two hundred and fifty
horses in the five batteries were killed, and yet
cannon thundered and boomed, shells whistled and
screamed and burst, until the ridge, and especially the
valley and plain in the rear, was swept with the besom
of destruction. For once everybody was under fire--the
hospitals, headquarters, ambulance corps, stragglers,
and a few reporters. Many of the wounded were killed in
and about the hospital. The horses of the aids at Gen.
Meade's headquarters were smitten. The general
headquarters was broken up, while the commander and
staff mounted their horses and sought safety nearer the
line of battle. The safest place was just under the
cover of the ridge, where the lines of infantry lying
flat upon the ground supported the batteries. These
men, brave as they were, were at first stunned by the
suddenness and severity of this cannonade. They
stretched themselves at full length upon the ground.
They wished to be made thin, thinner than hard-tack,
yea as thin as a wafer. I wished, for a few minutes,
that I could be about five feet under ground. This soon
became monotonous. Sheltered as they were by the ridge,
only those shells that burst among them did any damage.
Taking into consideration the severity of the storm,
and the numbers of shells in the air, the casualties
among the infantry lines were comparatively few. The
severity of the cannonade, with the few casualties,
soon calmed the men, and before it closed it was borne
with indifference. For an hour and a quarter this
cannonade continued. Our guns slackened first, and in a
few minutes it was perfectly quiet again.
THE CHARGE.
As soon as the cannonade ceased, Gen. Alex. Hays, who stood by our brigade through it all, called out-- " Now boys, look out; you will see some fun!"
The order was given and the brigade was moved up to the crest of the ridge. From our position we could overlook the whole valley between the two lines.
In moving up to the front, the 108th New York was on our left. It was commanded by Lt. Col. Pierce, now Captain of the first U. S. infantry, at present in charge of the San Carlos Reservation, A.T. He was a classmate of mine in the University of Rochester. While moving up our regiments we locked arms and walked behind them. He said: "Well, Scott, we have sat beside each other in the classroom many a day; but this is a new experience. This isn't much like digging out Greek roots."
Thus officers and men, with perfect composure, and in confidence, formed the line. The enemy, to disconcert us, began to drop their shells in upon us. We scanned the Confederate position, well knowing that soon we should see their line of battle coming.
All at once, over their works and through the bushes that skirted them, came a heavy skirmish line. The skirmishers were about two paces apart, covering about three-quarters of a mile of our front. Behind them about 20 rods came another heavy skirmish line. Behind them, about the same distance, came out the first line of battle. As they first emerged, had they continued straight to the front, their charge would have been centered upon the troops to our left. It was a magnificent line of battle, over three-quarters of a mile long. The men carried their guns, with bayonets fixed, at right shoulder. The regimental flags and guidons were plainly visible along the whole line. The guns and bayonets in the sunlight shone like silver. The whole line of battle looked like a stream or river of silver moving towards us. Behind this came the regimental officers; while behind them, mounted and followed by their aids, came the brigade and division commanders, with their orderlies carrying their guidons and headquarter flags.
Then came the second line of infantry, in the same form and order as the first, followed by their commanders on horses. Behind this still, in heavy massed columns on the center and wings, were the supports and reserves. Two streaming lines of silver led off, decorated and enlivened by their battle flags. The order was magnificent. The movement of such a force over such a field, in such perfect order, to such a destiny, was grand beyond expression. After moving forward about a quarter of a mile, a change was made in the direction of the line. A left half wheel was executed and they came straight for us, so that their left would just strike the right of our brigade. Garnett and Kemper were in the first line, and Armistead in the second. On came the silver lines. The whole line, to us who were in front, seemed straight as an arrow--the whole force like a perfect and magnificent parade. My own heart was thrilled at the sight. I was so absorbed with the beauty and grandeur of the scene that I became oblivious to the shells that were bursting about us. This passage of scripture came to my mind, and I repeated it aloud : "Fair as the moon, bright as the sun, and terrible as an army with banners."
Shortly their skirmishers cause within range. Ours reserved their fire until the enemy came close to them. Our fire was then so accurate and severe, that their first line was held in check and could not force ours back. Their second line of skirmishers re-enforced the first, and ours then began to yield, failing back slowly. Our batteries from Cemetery Hill fired over our heads and threw shells, which went through the lines, bursting among them. Gaps were opened and quickly closed again. The shells kept flying, gaps opened and closed, and the silver lines in perfect order came on. Skirmishers fired sharply; the horsemen galloped to and fro behind the lines as the goal was approached. The half wheel of the enemy exposed their flank to the fire of McGilvray's and Hazlett's guns from near Round Top. But there was no flinching. Gaps opened and closed, but the lines came forward. As the lines neared us, the enemy's batteries slackened. The batteries in the front line opened with grape and canister. Greater gaps were opened, and quickly closed, and still on in sublime order came the silver lines. It was then cannon, and gaps, and closing of ranks, and on, on, on, in magnificent and unflinching valor, came the lines of silvery steel. Our skirmishers retreated to our first line of battle. The skirmishers on the right filed out on the double quick so as to be on the flank of the on-coming foe. The command and the tramp of the on-coming hosts could now be heard. There was a moment's quiet of skirmishers and musketry. Orders of the enemy, a little clearer and sharper, rang out upon the air. Another crash of canister--other and terrible gaps, and still heroic closing of ranks. Our first line by the low stonewall was held by troops of Webb's Brigade. They clutched their muskets and fixed their bayonets. The order was given to hold their fire until the enemy was close upon them. Men peered through the crevices of the fence with anxious but determined looks The conflict of thought, and purpose, and will was now upon both armies. Moments seemed ages. The shock to heart and nerve was awful. The enemy, as if anticipating the deadly reception, brought down their gleaming muskets from the shoulder to a charge bayonets. Our line was neared. One more crash of grape and canister, another fearful rending of ranks, another determined closing, and on they came. Now guns were raised to the shoulder, and this first line of silver became a line of smoke and fire. Eight thousand muskets poured their murderous fire into our line.
Our line kept covered and but little harm was done. Our cannon then stood silent and the musket was chosen to decide the contest. With a cheer and yell the enemy charged on our line. When almost upon it, our first line rose as one man and with a cool and deadly aim poured a withering fire into the foe. That line went down like grass before the scythe. It was broken and dazed and thrown into confusion. Some sprang forward with bayonet to take the line, but were met with bayonet and slain. Their second line re-enforced the first and with a yell charged. Another roll of musketry, another crash of arms and the two lines closed in deadly conflict. The supports re-enforced the lines on the right and center. Our first line was borne down and fled to our mainline. These men grasped their guns and now stood ready to receive the shock. Hancock's keen eye perceived the danger, so he rode to the left, to Stannard's Brigade of Vermonters, to order them on to the flank. Col. Sawyer of the 8th Ohio, with his skirmishers that had moved out to right, hung now upon their left flank. But with the desperation of fiends, on the enemy came. They poured in a terrible fire upon us. We answered it with another more terrible. They wavered a moment and then came on. We sprang to our feet and poured in another volley, and with a front of steel, held by iron arms inspired by heroic hearts, determined to conquer or die. Another moment of awful suspense and conflict. Eye met eye, will met will, bayonet stood off bayonet. Then, like an aspen leaf in the breeze, their line trembled and wavered. A shout rang out loud and clear, "they waver; give them a cheer;" and louder and sharper and more terrible than a crash of musketry, a cheer that shook the very earth went up from 10,000 throats. That cheer struck terror into the heart of the wavering foe, and nerved to desperation and deeds of valor the boys in blue. The enemy sank back, then broke and fled. Their brave and valiant officers soon rallied them, and in unbroken front and with flashing bayonet on they came again. Their action was heroic. Our line at once nerved itself for another shock. Flushed with victory, the shout rang out along the line: "Come on; come on; come to death!" Another yell, another crash of musketry from the foe, and on they came. We waited their coming with perfect confidence, and then poured such a withering fire into their ranks, and met them with such a thundering cheer, that just before they reached where they stood before they faltered, they broke and fled. Another galloping of horsemen, and waving of swords, and shouting of excited officers. The most desperate efforts were made to re-form them. The valley was full of men. Like a mob they surged, and were ridden upon by officers. They swept round and round in a hopeless mass, as though they were in great conflict of thought and doubt. Brave men; they dreaded to fall back without victory. They could not organize for another charge.
Our batteries were trained upon them. The grape and canister, massed as they were, piled them in heaps. Our sharp-shooters picked off the mounted officers, and in a few moments more they were broken, demoralized and fleeing to their lines. The battle of Gettysburg was ended.
Thousands of dead lay upon the field; thousands of prisoners came into our lines. It was a time of indescribable enthusiasm and excitement. Hats and caps and shouts filled the air. Sallies to the front were made, and battle flags and trophies of our victory were gathered and brought in. Fighting Alex. Hays rode along our cheering lines, upon his foaming horse, bearing aloft in his right hand the stars and stripes and dragging under the trampling heels of his horse a rebel flag just taken from the repulsed foe. The act was significant and symbolic. From that hour the glory and victory of the one, and the overthrow and disgrace of the other, was settled.
As a result of this charge 4000 prisoners were taken, thirty-three battle flags were brought in, my own regiment capturing four of them.
The victory cost both sides dearly. Gens. Hancock, Gibbon and Webb were wounded. Five battalion commanders were killed, including Col. Eliakim Sherrill, of the 126th New York. No braver or nobler man fell in that battle. Three battery commanders, Lts. Cushing, Woodruff and Rorty, were killed, and hosts of brave officers and men fell in this crisis of the war of the rebellion. Never was there more heroic devotion to our cause, or determined courage displayed than on this glorious field. "Victory or death" was the watchword, and victory, positive and triumphant, was our reward.
The enemy, heroic, brave and reckless in their daring and persistency, seemed to cast their all into this unparalleled and desperate charge. Every General and field officer in Pickett's division, except Pickett and one Lt. Col., fell, either killed or wounded. There were literally acres of dead lying in front of our line. I counted 16 dead bodies on one rod square, and the dead in every direction lay upon the field piled in heaps and scattered as far as the eye could reach.
This defeat was God's prophesy of the rebellion's overthrow; and from that hour the Army of the Potomac always marched and fought with an assured confidence that it was only a question of time when the final victory would come to our arms.
1. Levi W. Baker, History of the Ninth Massachusetts Battery (South Framingham: Lakeview Press, 1888), 261. Baker went on to say he felt the fighting of the 2nd was more historically significant, just as others have occasionally felt that another time and place was the "high water mark of the Rebellion."2. Charles Minor Blackford, quoted in Susan Leigh Blackford, Compiler, Letters From Lee's Army or Memoirs of Life In and Out of The Army in Virginia During the War Between the States (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1947), p 188.
3. Report of Col. C. H. Cabell, 1 August 1863, United States War Department, The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies 70 Volumes in 128 parts (Washington, D. C.: Government Printing Office, 1880-1901) (hereafter cited as OR), 1, 27, 2, 376.
4. (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1959).
5. (Hightstown, Md.: Longstreet House, 1987)
6. Glenn Tucker, High Tide At Gettysburg (Dayton: Morningside, 1987); Edwin Coddington, The Gettysburg Campaign (Dayton: Morningside, 1968); Douglas S. Freeman, Lee's Lieutenants: A Study In Command, V III. Gettysburg to Appomattox. .(New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1944).
7. Alexander, Military Memoirs of a Confederate. (New York: Scribner's, 1907), 422; George Pickett, Letter to his Wife, July, 1863, in Arthur Crew Inman, Ed., . General Pickett's War Letters To His Wife. (Freeport, N.Y.: Books For Libraries Press, 1971), 73.
8. Quoted in a letter from Wm. H. Palmer to T. M. R. Talcott, in T M. R. Talcott, "The Third Day At Gettysburg," . Southern Historical Society Papers. (Richmond: Southern Historical Society, 1876-1930), (Hereafter cited as SHSP), 1916. 40.
9. James F. Crocker, . Gettysburg - Pickett's Charge and Other War Addresses. (Portsmouth, Va.: n. p., 1915). 37.
10. See James McPherson,. The Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era. (New York: Ballantine Books, 1988), p. 647-648.
11. Longstreet to Louis Wigfall, 13 May 1863, quoted in Archer Jones, Confederate Strategy from Shiloh to Vicksburg. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1961), 208.
12. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 649-651.
13. Lee to Davis, June 10, 1863, Clifford Dowdey and Louis Manarin, Eds., The Wartime Papers of Robert E. Lee (Boston: Little, Brown, 1961), 508-9.
14. Quoted in Douglas Southall Freeman, R. E. Lee: A Biography (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1945), Vol. III, 58-59.
15. Eppa Hunton, Autobiography of Epra Hunton (Richmond: William Byrd Press, 1933), 87.
16. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, p. 647.
17. Report of Robert E. Lee, [January,] 1864, OR, 1, 27, 2, 320.
18. ibid
19. James Longstreet, From Manassas to Appomattox: Memoirs of the Civil War in America (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1896), 385.
20. Report of Lieut. Gen. Richard S. Ewell, 1863, OR., 1, 27, 2, 447.
21. Report of Brig. Gen. William N. Pendleton, OR, 1, 27, 2, 351. (emphasis added)
22. Edwin Porter Alexander, "The Great Charge and Artillery Fight at Gettysburg," Battles and Leaders of the Civil War Robert Underwood and Clarence Clough Buel, Eds., Vol. 11 (New York: Century, 1888), 361.
23. Quoted in Captain Robert E. Lee, Recollections and Letters of General Robert E. Lee (Garden City, N.J.: Garden City Publishing, 1924), 106.
24. James F. Crocker, "Gettysburg - Pickett's Charge," SHSP, 124.
25. Report of Lieut. Col. Thomas Carter, 5 August 1863, OR, 1, 27, 2, 603
26. The only batteries not involved were the 1st Richmond Howitzers, Salem Artillery, Norfolk Light Artillery, 1st Maryland, Allegheny Artillery, and Chesapeake Artillery.
27. R. H. Anderson, SHSP, 111(1879), 52. See also Longstreet's comments in Longstreet's Report, OR, 1, 27, 2, 360.
28. Longstreet's Report, OR, 1, 27, 2, 359-360.
29. Paddy Griffith, Battle Tactics of the Civil War (New Haven: Yale University Press), 140-145. I qualify my statement here with the term I probably" only because no written order, nor a report of one, for a bayonet charge, exists. Lee did not use written orders at Gettysburg. Even if he did not order that this particular tactic be used, all the component elements were utilized. Thus Pickett's Charge was indeed a bayonet charge, whether or not Lee or Longstreet used the term to describe what they wanted to take place.
30. Ibid., 142-143.
31. Ibid.
32. Lee to Hood, 21 May 1863, Wartime Papers, 490.
33. Seddon to Lee, June 10, 1863, OR, 1, 27, 3, 882.
34. Anderson's Report, OR, 1, 27, 2, 614-615.
35. Longstreet's Report, OR, 1, 27, 2, 359-360.
36. Stuart's Report, OR, 1, 27, 2, 697.
37. John Gibbon, Recollections of the Civil War (New York: G. P Putnam, 1928), 140-152.
38. Measurements were made using the Maxon - Bachelder map of 1880.
39. Report of Major D. G. McIntosh, 30 July 1863, OR, 1, 27,2,675.
40. Osborn, quoted in Alexander, Military Memoirs, 427.
41. Report of Brig. Gen. Robert 0. Tyler, 30 August 1863, OR, 1, 27,1, 875.
42. Report of Col. Theodore B. Gates, 4 July 1863, OR, 1, 27, 1, 318.
43. Report of Capt. Emmanuel D. Roath, 15 August 1863, O-R, 1, 27,1, 305.
44. Report of Col. Thomas A. Smyth, 17 July 1863, OR, 1, 27, 1, 465.
45. Report of Captain Patrick Hart, 15th New York Battery, 2 August 1863, OR, 1, 27, 2, 889.
46. R. 0. Sturtevant, Pictorial History of the Vermont Volunteers (Burlington: The Self-Appointed Committee of Three, 1913), 305
47. John Gibbon, Recollections, 148-149.
48. Tully McCrea to John Bachelder, 30 March 1904, Bachelder Papers, New Hampshire Historical Society.
49. Diary of George Griggs, SHSP, VI(1878), 250.
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